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Examining the Changing Status and Role of Middle Class Assamese Women: Lessons from the Lives of University Students Rituparna Bhattacharyya Department of Geography, University of Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June, 2009 1 Table of Content List of Tables_________________________________________________5 List of Figures ________________________________________________7 Abstract _____________________________________________________8 Acknowledgements ___________________________________________11 PART I_____________________________________________________13 Introduction and Scope of Debate _______________________________13 Chapter 1 ___________________________________________________14 The Role of Higher Education in Women’s Changing Status in Assam_14 1.1.0 Introduction ______________________________________________________________14 1.2.0 The Case of Assam: The North Eastern Frontier of India _________________________17 1.2.1 Higher education as a lens on women’s changing status __________________________________ 21 1.2.2 The role of qualitative methodology in feminist research _________________________________ 22 1 .3.0 Everyday Practice _________________________________________________________23 1.4.0. Indian Women’s Changing Status ____________________________________________34 1.5.0 Research Questions_________________________________________________________38 1.5.1 The land of red rivers and blue mountains_____________________________________________ 40 Historical sketch _____________________________________________________________________ 41 1.6.0 Structure of the Thesis ______________________________________________________44 Chapter 2 ___________________________________________________46 Theorising Women’s Empowerment in India _____________________46 2.1.0 Introduction ______________________________________________________________46 2.2.0 Theorising Indian Women’s Empowerment ____________________________________49 2.2.1 Second Wave feminism in India ____________________________________________________ 55 Challenging women’s subordination _____________________________________________________ 58 Biological ‘naturalisation’ of sex roles____________________________________________________ 58 Patriarchy and its critics _______________________________________________________________ 64 2.2.2 Towards a Third Wave feminism in India? ____________________________________________ 71 2.3.0 Modernisation, Post-colonialism and Westernisation _____________________________79 2.3.1 Modernisation __________________________________________________________________ 79 2.3.2 Neoliberalism___________________________________________________________________ 82 2.3.3 Post-colonialism ________________________________________________________________ 94 2.3.4 Westernisation or tradition?_______________________________________________________ 101 2.4.0 Understanding Women in Development in India _______________________________108 2 2.4.1 Higher education _______________________________________________________________ 110 2.4.2 The role of paid employment in development _________________________________________ 113 2.4.3 Feminisation of the labour force ___________________________________________________ 116 2.5.0 Women’s Representation in India____________________________________________119 Chapter 3 __________________________________________________123 Women’s Status and Role in Assam Today ______________________123 3.1.0 Introduction _____________________________________________________________123 3.2.0 Shifting Phases of Assam ___________________________________________________123 3.2.1 Who are the Assamese? __________________________________________________________ 123 3.2.2 Class system __________________________________________________________________ 124 3.2.3 Shifting history of Guwahati ______________________________________________________ 133 3.2.4 Caste system __________________________________________________________________ 137 3.3.0 Women’s Status and Role in Assam Today ____________________________________144 3.3.1 Shifting household structures______________________________________________________ 144 3.3.2 Key epochs relating to women’s status ______________________________________________ 148 3.4.0 Conclusions ______________________________________________________________152 Chapter 4 __________________________________________________155 Methodology _______________________________________________155 4.1.0 Introduction _____________________________________________________________155 4.2.0 Research Design and Approach _____________________________________________156 4.2.1 Epistemology and feminist research practice__________________________________________ 156 Feminist epistemology _______________________________________________________________ 156 Research method____________________________________________________________________ 159 Grounded theory____________________________________________________________________ 162 4.2.2 Empirical study ________________________________________________________________ 162 Sampling frame_____________________________________________________________________ 163 4.3.0 Methods of Data Collection _________________________________________________165 4.3.1 Extensive data collection _________________________________________________________ 165 Statistics and other government and non-governmental publications____________________________ 166 Questionnaire survey ________________________________________________________________ 167 4.3.2 Intensive data collection: in-depth interviews and focus groups ___________________________ 173 Conducting in-depth interviews ________________________________________________________ 173 Focus groups_______________________________________________________________________ 183 4.3.3 Profile of the interviewees ________________________________________________________ 184 4.4.0 Positionality______________________________________________________________185 4.4.1 Benefits of being an insider _______________________________________________________ 186 4.4.2 Disadvantages of being an insider __________________________________________________ 189 4.5.0 Ethical Issues_____________________________________________________________190 4.6.0 Conclusion _______________________________________________________________191 Indicators and Interpretations from the Field of Women’s Changing Role and Status _________________________________________________192 Chapter 5 __________________________________________________193 3 Women’s Changing Status: Emerging Trends and Developments____193 5.1.0 Introduction _____________________________________________________________193 5.2.0 Higher Education, New Career Trajectories and Neoliberalism ___________________194 5.2.1 Higher education _______________________________________________________________ 194 5.2.2 Career trajectories ______________________________________________________________ 202 5.2.3 Neoliberalism__________________________________________________________________ 204 5.2.4 Occupational segregation_________________________________________________________ 210 5.3.0 Competing Identities ______________________________________________________212 5.3.1 Attitude towards career, marriage and motherhood ____________________________212 5.4.0 Work-life Balance_________________________________________________________217 5.4.1 Career as family status, rising ‘dual career’ norms _____________________________________ 218 5.4.2 Reconciling a career with family life________________________________________________ 219 Housework ________________________________________________________________________ 223 Childcare__________________________________________________________________________ 228 5.5.0 Politics of Everyday Mobility _______________________________________________235 5.6.0 Summary and Conclusion __________________________________________________242 Chapter 6 __________________________________________________244 Women’s Changing Status: Conflicting Roles and Identities ________244 6.1.0 Introduction _____________________________________________________________244 6.2.0 Women’s Pursuit of Higher Education: Personally Liberating or an Extension of Family Duty?________________________________________________________________________245 6.3.0 Competing Identities ______________________________________________________254 6.3.1 Persistent inequalities at home_____________________________________________________ 255 Housework ________________________________________________________________________ 256 Childcare__________________________________________________________________________ 260 The emotional ties that bind ___________________________________________________________ 263 6.3.2 Expectations of marriage and motherhood ___________________________________________ 264 6.3.3 Position in the family____________________________________________________________ 268 Loyalty and obedience to in-laws _______________________________________________________ 270 6.4.0 Persistent Inequalities in the Public Sphere____________________________________275 6.4.1 Women’s bodies: targets of anti-western hostility? _____________________________________ 283 6.5.0 Summary and Conclusion __________________________________________________292 Chapter 7 __________________________________________________295 Towards a Third Wave Feminism in India_______________________295 7.1.0 Introduction _____________________________________________________________295 7.2.0 Research Findings_________________________________________________________296 7.2.1 Key findings __________________________________________________________________ 296 7.2.2 Tradition: a variable concept ______________________________________________________ 300 7.2.3 Towards a Third Wave feminism in Assam___________________________________________ 301 7.3.0 Future Implications _______________________________________________________303 Appendix I _________________________________________________307 4 The Questionnaire___________________________________________307 Appendix II ________________________________________________311 Questionnaire Findings ______________________________________311 Appendix III _______________________________________________316 Interview Framework________________________________________316 Appendix IV _______________________________________________318 Focus Group Framework_____________________________________318 Appendix V ________________________________________________319 List of References ___________________________________________325 5 List of Tables Table 1.1 Literacy rate in India and Assam by sex 38 Table 3.1 Distribution of population by scheduled languages in Assam 124 Table 3.2 Class system of Assam 133 Table 4.1 Field visit 165 Table 4.2 Selected characteristics of the questionnaire respondents 172 Table 4.3 Issue of language 179 Table 4.4 Brief biographical information on each of the interviewees 187-188 Table 4.5 List of participants of focus groups 189 Table 5.1 Growth of higher education in India 196 Table 5.2 Growth of higher education in Assam 196 Table 5.3 Total enrolment by courses/stages of studies in Assam, 2004-2005 196 Table 5.4 Indian men are better at complicated, technical matters … 198 Table 5.5 Fathers’ and mothers’ occupation of women respondents 204 Table 5.6 Employment in the organised sector, Assam, 2000-2005 209 Table 5.7 Trend in female employment (%) in the organised--, Assam, 1971-2005 209 Table 5.8 Distribution of Assam Government Employees (%) 211 Table 5.9 The most important job of an Indian woman is to … 213 Table 5.10 Employment is not a hindrance to becoming a good wife/mother 214 Table 5.11 In married life, both the husband and the wife …. 214 Table 5.12 Indian women should plan to have children only when… 214 6 Table 5.13 If a mother has children under the age of 5,.. not go out to work 215 Table 5.14 A wife should resign from her job... husband is on transferable job 216 Table 5.15 Indian girls should be encouraged to be career minded.... 219 Table 5.16 Reasons for taking up a job 219 Table 5.17 Household tasks undertaken by the women themselves 221 Table 5.18 Approval of work outside home 223 Table 5.19 Time spent in domestic activities, selected countries, selected available years 225 Table 5.20 The household gender division of labour 230 Table 5.21 Under normal circumstances, a father should … 231 Table 5.22 Number of hours spent on paid work by the respondents 233 Table 5.23 State of work related pressure of employed women 233 Table 5.24 Incidences of crime committed against women in Assam, 1990-2008 240 Table 5.25 One of the greatest attributes of women is femininity 241 7 List of Figures Figure 1.1 Location Map of Assam 44 Figure 3.1 Caste Background of Students in Higher Education, Assam 144 Figure 3.2 Examples of Publicity Material (North East Network) 154 Figure 5.1 Indian women’s enrolment----- by state, 2002-2003 197 Figure 5.2 Proportion of men and women ---by discipline, 1950-51 to 2002-03 201 Figure 5.3 Women managing a local TV channel, ‘News Live’ 207 Figure 5.4 Nayantara, a supermarket 229 Figure 5.5 Inside view of Nayantara 229 Figure 5.6 Inside view of Tanz 229 Figure 5.7 Vishal, a crowded department store 229 Figure 5.8 Common pastime of young men (1) 241 Figure 5.9 Common pastime of young men (2) 241 Figure 5.10 Conditions of public transport during the rush hours (1) 241 Figure 5.11 Conditions of public transport during the rush hours (2) 241 Figure 6.1 Women wearing modern outfit 287 Figure 6.2 Assamese Outfit (Mekhala Sadar) 287 8 Abstract Examining the Changing Status and Role of Middle Class Assamese Women: Lessons from the Lives of University Students Postcolonial India is a complex and paradoxical mix of traditional practices and ultra modernity. This tension is especially apparent, and holds particular significance, with respect to women’s changing status and role. Driving this research is a concern to examine the impact that structural reforms and neoliberalism are having on women’s everyday experience of autonomy at home, in their careers and family life, and in the journeys they make from home to work through public spaces. This thesis focuses on the specific case of Assam, located in the north-eastern region of India and, within it, a sub-population of young, middle class, Assamese women. The research draws on in-depth interviews and focus groups, in triangulation with a standardised questionnaire, conducted with a sample of students pursuing higher education in five different state-funded co-educational institutions of Assam namely Cotton College, Gauhati Medical College, Assam Engineering College, Gauhati University and Bajali College which have long histories of privilege and prestige. This research is designed to look for evidence of improved status in an extreme context where the liberating benefits of education and career salience are most likely to be found. A key contribution of this thesis flows from the contradictions and complexities of the everyday practices that underpin the changing status and role of young, middle class Assamese women. The narrative analysis reveals contradictory processes underpinning women’s 9 changing status in Assam; on one hand it shows higher education to be liberating for those who can afford access, in as much as it offers increased autonomy and exposure to international media and ‘cosmopolitan’ egalitarian ideals; on the other hand, women who seek fulfilling jobs and careers outside the home find their freedom of movement severely restricted in public by sexual harassment and at home they face continuing pressure to maintain labour- intensive standards of cooking and childcare. This coincides with tensions arising from ‘new femininities’ whereby, for many within Assamese society, the participation of women in higher education and their increased visibility in paid employment is symbolic of the advancing threat of globalisation as is the proliferation of ‘immodest’ (western) modes of dress; loss of extended family welfare; and an erosion of cultural practices and religious beliefs. The research, which is an empirical contribution to existing knowledge, examines the ways that incomplete gender transformations are embedded in Assamese society. Generally it is perceived that Indian women’s subordination is explained with reference to a biological ‘naturalisation’ of sex roles or dominant patriarchal structures in state, market and family relations. This thesis challenges these perceived notions of traditional explanations by pointing to a trend of ‘Third Wave’ feminism circumscribed by plural ‘new femininities’ and ‘girl power’. At the same time the research engages with the critique of tradition identified by Hobsbawm (1983) as a variable rather than a fixed or static concept. It demonstrates that Assamese women are effectively experiencing a (re)traditionalising of their domestic roles with increased ‘Indianness’ in the social (re)production of daily life. Thus, the research also contributes to the theoretical literature on postcolonial feminism by following Mohanty’s (1987, 1988; 1991b) critique of the universality of ethnocentricism in Anglo-American scholarship and its presumptions that women of the so called Third World accept traditions 10 passively. Evidence of the (re)production of a mix of ultra modern and perceived notion of traditional practices is presented with respect to competing spheres of daily life; including relationships with parents/in-laws and spouse, childcare, norms of domestic labour and personal goals associated with education and career. The manifestation of this process is locally specific and highly uneven and contradictory. 11 Acknowledgements At the outset, my biggest ‘thank you’ goes to Dr Parvati Raghuram and Dr Jane Wheelock for giving the opportunity to revise and resubmit my thesis. Equally I am thankful to Dr Helen Jarvis and Dr Alexandra Hughes who supervised the preparation and the research upon which the thesis is based. Dr Jarvis and Dr Hughes have been very patient, supportive and helpful. They have gone beyond the bounds of their duties in providing me with articles, advice, suggestions, references and other assistance whenever I needed. I express my deep sense of gratitude to them. This research was funded by an Overseas Research Scholarship (ORS) and an International Research Scholarship (IRS). I greatly express my gratitude to these two funding bodies. I must mention Professor Ranjan Saikia of Cotton College who had been instrumental in making me apply for this PhD programme. Thanks must go to all the students who participated in this research, and gave time and effort to share their aspirations, experiences and reflections. This thesis is built on their conversations and experiences. Thanks also to the gatekeepers of different institutions I gained access to. I am equally thankful to the authorities, officials and organisations including the News Live and North East Network who had supplied me with the available secondary information. I also thank my colleagues of Cotton College, Guwahati for their encouragement and good will. I have also had wonderful interactions with my friends Urmi, Sukanya and Polly without whom this PhD would have been a duller process. This thesis was researched and written in the Department of Geography, Newcastle University. Every researcher is indebted to the academic institution that provides her/ him the 12 facilities to pursue academic inquiries. I am pleased to offer my thanks to the Department, which provided me with all the facilities to complete this work. My parents Dr N.N. Bhattacharyya and Mrs Meera Bhattacharyya have been constantly inquiring and helping me to make steady progress. I am grateful to them. I am equally thankful to my in-laws for their cooperation and constant encouragement. I am thankful to all my extended family members namely Arup, Diaganta, Dipamoni, Pranjal, Putul, Prantar, Prasanta, Susanta and Vijoya for their assistance in various spheres of the work. I am equally thankful to Ms J. M. Cartridge Thomas for copy-editing my thesis. And lastly, the affection which I received from my husband, Jayanta, and my two children, Mimli and Jamie, during the course of my research has been of immense help to me. 13 PART I Introduction and Scope of Debate 14 Chapter 1 The Role of Higher Education in Women’s Changing Status in Assam 1.1.0 Introduction Postcolonial India is a complex and paradoxical mix of tacit notions of traditional practices and ultra modernity. This tension is especially apparent, and holds particular significance, with respect to women’s changing status and role. Driving this research is a concern to examine the impact which structural reforms and neoliberalism are having on women’s everyday experience of autonomy at home, in their careers and family life, and in the journeys they make from home to work through public spaces such as the street. Among the factors most likely to shape individual women’s changing status and role in India are participation in higher education, paid employment and growth in the labour market as a result of the new economic reforms adopted in the late 1980s (Chapter 2). It is important to recognise that significant variation has always existed amongst Indian women, in terms of their status and role, as well as for all women relative to men, largely as a function of differences of caste, religion and class (Towards Equality Report, 1974; Ghosh and Roy, 1997). To accommodate this underlying diversity, this thesis from the outset establishes strict parameters to the claims it seeks to make. It explores the question of changing status for one specific sub-population of young, middle class Indian women, located in one specific region, Assam, in the North-Eastern part of India. It does not claim to account for a general population of Indian women, nor even all women of Assam. Neither does it claim to establish a causal relationship between the rapid expansions of higher education and job opportunities 15 of ongoing modernisation with changes (positive or negative) in the status and role of young middle class Assamese women in any quantifiable sense. The more modest aim of this carefully chosen research design is to expose the contradictory processes of structural reform and neoliberalism to closer scrutiny. By studying a relatively homogenous sample of middle class women with well established access to higher education, the evidence found of complexity and contradictions of status and role are thrown into particularly sharp relief. Contradictions are explored in relation to three key areas of social organisation: higher education, careers based on paid employment and routine mobility in public spaces outside the home, such as those encountered on journeys to work. The decision to include experiences while out in public, alongside higher education and career, emerged as a result of the research activity reported in Chapter 6. This sample of women was found to experience a highly restricted freedom of movement when out in public (see below). In short, this approach seeks to uncover the highly contingent narratives, practices and identities of middle class women of Assam who would otherwise exist in limited profile as headline labour market and higher education statistics. While aggregate statistics may point to an upward trend in women’s participation in higher education and job opportunities outside the home it is impossible without close observation of the daily lived experience to interpret from these bald trends a positive or straightforward ‘improvement’ in the status and role of young middle class women in Assam today. The study is based on the perceptions and attitudes of students pursuing higher education at five different co-educational institutions of Assam; namely Cotton College, Gauhati Medical College, Assam Engineering College, Gauhati University, all located in Guwahati, the main city of the state, and Bajali College, located in an urban location of Barpeta district. 16 The first part of this chapter will explain why Assam has been chosen as an Indian case study. This part will also explain why students pursuing higher education have been chosen as a focus of investigation and then finally why in-depth interviewing and focus groups have been used in the study as a qualitative research methodology. A key contribution of this thesis flows from the contradictions and complexities of the everyday practices that underpin the changing status and role of middle class Assamese women. The second part will therefore critically review the concept of everyday practices and ‘habitus’ to illuminate the habituated temporal rhythms of life for middle class Assamese women juggling home, work and family practices at different periods of the day. The third part sheds light on the issues of change that underpin Indian women’s status mainly since India’s independence with respect to education and employment. The study, which is an empirical contribution to knowledge, examines the ways that incomplete gender transformations are embedded in Assamese society. At the same time, it effectively makes the following contributions: first, it covers a geographical area not previously studied in-depth within India; second, it focuses on the transformation capacity of young students, a group neglected in the current literature on gender and women’s issues; and, third, the study deploys mainly in-depth interviews and focus groups from feminist research methodologies that “belongs to a qualitative research tradition in which, in contrast to large scale surveys, a few cases are investigated in depth” (Dwyer and Limb, 2001; Halford et al., 1997; Jarvis, 1999; Wheelock et al., 2003: 2), and are underdeveloped in Assamese feminist research. Fourth, the study contributes to the theoretical literature on post-colonial feminism by following Mohanty’s (1987, 1988; 1991b) critique of the universality and ethnocentricism of Anglo-American scholarship and presumptions about women of the so called Third World accepting traditions passively. This thesis consequently engages with a similar critique of 17 tradition to that identified by Hobsbawm (1983) as a variable rather than a fixed or static concept (see, Chapter 2). Lastly, the thesis makes a contribution to Third Wave feminism by pointing to a trend of ‘Third Wave’ in Assam circumscribed by plural ‘new femininities’. Nevertheless, it also suggests that the whole notion of Third Wave feminism at present is hegemonic,1 Eurocentric and American. The final part of the chapter identifies the research questions alongside the basic geographical and historical features of Assam. 1.2.0 The Case of Assam: The North Eastern Frontier of India There are several key reasons for undertaking this study within the geographical confines of the state of Assam. First, although Assam finds mention in Bengali history and literature (for instance Gooptu, 2003; Rahman and Schendel, 2003), within the women’s studies and geography of gender and development literature it is generally a neglected area of research (Sarma, 2004). Like the West, in India too there is a large body of literature on the status of Indian women, gender roles and their relations (see, for example, Agarwal, 1994; Agarwal, 1996; Agarwal, 1999; Agarwal, 2000; Basu, 2001; Basu, 2001; Jeffery and Jeffery, 1996; 2006; Sharma, 1986; Seth, 2001). Yet Assam has not been the focus of research that concentrates on the diverse roles that women play, their perceptions and response to the challenges specifically posed by contemporary globalisation and neoliberalism (Chapter 2). Globalisation is a concept that cannot be taken for granted and one cannot define one’s response to it until the concept of ‘globalisation’ is adequately specified (Kurian, 1997). Here, globalisation is taken to mean the contemporary processes of political and economic 1 A term coined by the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci to define the capability of a dominant social group not through force, coercion or visible rule but through the manufacture of consent through which willingness of the people is ensured to accept a subordinated status (Gramsci, 1971). 18 interconnection (Slater, 2004; Mills, 2009; Perrons and Posocco, 2009), recognising “the increasing interconnectedness of the world economically, culturally and politically” (Guinness, 2003: 1; Mills, 2009; Perrons and Posocco, 2009). Due to globalisation, and more specifically due to modernisation, the world has been transformed into a global village.2 This globe has been desegregated by capitalist practices and ideology such that previous ideological axes have been eroded. The cultures of urban spaces are also immediately and directly influenced by globalisation in the context of consumption patterns and tastes, fashion, architecture, media and new forms of material culture; conversely, urban cultures, through intellectual trends, economic and technological innovations and the media, largely constitute so-called globalisation (Clammer, 2003; Yeoh, 2005). Nevertheless, it is also “a process that people in many parts of the world are concerned about because it appears to justify the spread of western culture and capitalism” (Guinness, 2003: 3) and inequality (Mills, 2009; Perrons and Posocco, 2009). Such processes of globalisation have resulted in changes in the socio- economic structures of Assamese society. As a result, they have implications for both non- tribal and tribal communities in general, and Assamese women in particular (Fernandes and Barbora, 2002b). Limited research has been carried out in this field by different non-governmental organisations in the form of edited books and reports. For example, Gauhati University Women’s Studies Research Centre 3 has to date published three books (Debi, 1993; Debi 1994a and Medhi, 1996), two reports and sixteen monographs. The North Eastern Social Research Centre, Guwahati, published several studies (Fernandes and Barbora, 2002a; Fernandes and Barbora, 2002b) and the North East Network compiled a directory/database on ‘Violence against Women’ (2003). At the same time, very few academics from the region have published 2 A term coined by Marshal McLuhan (1962) to refer to the changes in telecommunications, computing and information technology that has had a profound influence in shaping people’s lives. 3 http://gu.nic.in/html/wsrc.htm, September, 30, 2006 19 independent works on the subject (but see Baruah, 1992; Barthakuria and Goswami, 1994; Ray and Ray, 2008). In the Department of Geography, Gauhati University, there have been only two PhD research projects completed on women’s issues while a few are ongoing (Sarma, 2004). These studies are either highly descriptive or quantitative, with most of the research based on questionnaire survey or secondary statistics or objective indicators (Mohanty, 1991a). Arguably, aggregate secondary data analysis ignores the complex and contradictory processes that underpin women’s daily lives and any perceived improvement in status. It is in this context that my thesis on the changing status and role of young, middle class Assamese women seeks to shed light on this neglected domain of perceptions, attitudes and competing identifications (see chapter 6). In short, the paucity of literature on Indian feminism in the context of Assam provides a clear rationale for the current study. A second reason for studying Assam relates to the region’s sub-culture within India. India is a land of unity in diversity with 28 states and seven union territories. This sub-continent is home to a heterogeneous population distinguished by diverse languages, traditions, life-styles, food habits and customs. Any aspects of these societies are important themes for research including the status of its women (Devi, 1993) as virtually every region or state has its own sub-culture (Davis, 1973). In this context, the changing status and role of young, educated middle class non-tribal women in Assam is an important aspect of study. Assam’s unique sub-culture connects to its own language, festivals and food endemic to the region. The notion of subculture refers to a group of people or a society at a micro-social level, which is distinct within a broader culture in having its own set of beliefs and rules that are exhibited in a form that differs from the parent culture (Jenks, 2005; Middleton, 1990). In this respect, Assamese women can be said historically to have generally enjoyed greater freedom in their daily lives compared with Indian women as a whole. This is because Assam is 20 geographically surrounded, and in some sense influenced, by a contrasting matrilineal 4 society and subculture (Behal, 2002; Debi, 1994a; Gogoi Nath, 1992). That is, Assam has eight major tribes 5 and 23 notified scheduled tribes according to the Census of India, 2001. The major tribes include Bodo-Kachari, Mech, Rabha, Karbi, Tiwa, Mishing, Sonowal Kachari and Dimasa with various Kuki tribes of the hill districts and the Barmans of Cachar. Tribal population constitute nearly 8.08% of the total population of India. The total scheduled tribe population of Assam is 12.4%.6 The caste system of Assam is discussed in Chapter 3. North-East India is undeniably the hub of India’s tribal population (23%).7 The ethnic and cultural diversity has made this whole North-Eastern region different from the rest of the country (Fernandes and Barbora, 2002b). For instance, many of the tribal societies are matrilineal and Assam is also historically a society free from dowry and Sati 8 (widow immolation). There is nevertheless evidence that there are gender-related discriminations within Assamese society, which makes Assam an interesting case for this study. Lastly, the limited literature that is available on Assamese women and gender issues could be collectively placed in the ‘women and development’ (WAD) literature (Chapter 2). Again, as argued by Mohanty (1991a), most Assamese scholars, like their western counterparts (see, Tong, 2007), have identified Assamese women in terms of under development, noting high rates of illiteracy (Taher, 1994; Sarma,1994; Das,1994), focusing on patterns of inequality, 4 A term used to describe the line of genealogical relationship or decent that follows the female side of the family (Mizinga, 2000) 5 The Government of India in its Fifth Schedule -Article 244(1) and Sixth Schedule-Articles 244 (2) and 275(1) of the Constitution of India officially recognised the disadvantaged indigenous population of India, as Scheduled Tribes (together grouped under “Scheduled Castes and Tribes”) for their economic empowerment (http://www.constitution.org/cons/india/p10.html, January, 15, 2007). 6Assam, The Data Highlights: The Scheduled Tribes, Census of India, 2001 (http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Tables_Published/SCST/dh_st_assam.pdf, April, 17, 2007) 7 “Total Population, Population of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and their proportions to the total population” Census of India, 2001 (http://www.censusindia.net/t_00_005.html, April, 15, 2006) 8 Sati is a form of traditional funeral practice of some Hindu communities in which a recently widowed woman would immolate herself or forced to do so by the family or community members on the funeral pyre of her husband. Banned in the 17th century by the Mughal emperors, the custom continued even after it was made illegal under British rule 1829. The central government of India has passed the Commission of Sati Prevention Act of 1987, but the custom continues, although infrequently and illegally (Hawley, 1994). 21 especially the limited education of daughters (Choudhury, 1996; Goswami, 1994); as well as patterns of high fertility (Deka, 1993; Deka, 1996), the marginalisation of women due to economic reforms (Mahanta, 1996; Sen, 2002), and women as victims of male violence (Buzarbaruah, 2002; Borkataky, 1992; Debi, 1994c, Hussain and Dasgupta, 1996; Narzary, 2002; Sarma, 1996; Barooah, 1996; WSRC, G.U., 2001). In short, the tendency in relying on these headline indicators is to reproduce a ‘victim’ dependency narrative of women and development. While undoubtedly of value, these studies are highly descriptive, quantitative or dated. Given the significant and uneven impact of globalisation (and neoliberalism) in women’s day-to-day lives (Mohanty, 1991a) it is timely to question some of the myths and generalisations applied to Assam as a region and Assamese women as a marginalised population. The purpose of this study, then, is to apply qualitative methodology to explore the diversified aspects of the daily lives for a relatively empowered group of women, rather than treating Assamese women as marginalised and disempowered. 1.2.1 Higher education as a lens on women’s changing status This study is based on the attitudes of students within the 17-35 age-groups, pursuing their studies in five different urban co-educational institutions namely Cotton College, Gauhati Medical College, Assam Engineering College, Gauhati University (all four located in the major city of the state, Guwahati) and Bajali College (located in an urban location of Barpeta district). It should be noted however, that these educational institutions of higher education in Assam are state-funded with long histories of privilege and prestige. My thesis does not take into account the newly expanded self-funded privatised institutions of higher education in 22 Assam that emanates greatly from neoliberal policies of India (Chapter 2, section on higher education). The sample has been used in the study for four specific reasons. First, this group of educationally privileged students in Assamese society is a somewhat ignored group in terms of socio-geographic research. The term ‘educationally privileged’ refers to individuals who have the opportunity to pursue their career through formal education according to their own choice, and who usually, but not exclusively, hail from the elite middle, upper middle class or wealthy sections of society. Second, this privileged sub-group of students is young and progressive in as much as it is influenced by modernity (see, Chapter 2). This is a relatively mobile geographical group with high aspirations. Third, this sample frame is representative of the distribution of a typical student population in higher education - young and mainly female in their late teens, twenties or early thirties making the best of opportunities available to them in education, career and employment. Fourth, learning from the attitudes of the college and university students is important because they are the torch bearers in changing attitudes towards sex-roles (Goldscheider and Waite, 1991). 1.2.2 The role of qualitative methodology in feminist research In the West, especially in gender geography, there has been a great deal of interest in the use of in-depth interviews and focus groups as key methods of data collection in qualitative research (Aitken, 2001; Healey and Rawlinson, 1993; Herod, 1993; 1999; Hughes, 1999; Mohammad, 2001; Mullings, 1999; Oakley, 1981; Sabot, 1999; Schoenberger, 1991; Shah, 1999; Sin, 2003; Skelton, 2001). Although these methods are not new, such methods have rarely been used in research on Assam (Sarma, 2004). In the thesis, in order to study the 23 changing status and role of young, middle class Assamese women, qualitative methods (in this case, in-depth interviews and focus groups), are applied to collect data on three main selected areas of social organisation: higher education, career trajectories (based on paid employment) and third, the everyday mobility of these career-minded women. In all three areas, a lack of resources in previous studies has prohibited such a close reading of attitudes (Sarma, 2004). 1 .3.0 Everyday Practice This thesis explores how the complexity of everyday life is implicated in the construction of identity of Assamese middle class women who are studying in higher education in pursuit of a career. Here the language of everyday life is used to generate a category of analysis: it is used to shed light on the complexities of the nature of daily rhythms of life (de Certeau, 1984; Datta, 2007; Lefebvre, 2004; Smith, 1987; Smith, 2005; Smith, 2007). I also review the notions of habitus and public/private that remain central to the discussion of everyday practices. The phrase ‘everyday life’ refers to “the ways of frequenting or dwelling in a place, on the complex processes” through which diverse acts are carried out such as those of aspiring for something, reading, talking, walking, cooking, caring and so on (de Certeau, 1984: xxii; also, Datta, 2007). The practices entailed are active (though not always pre- conscious) ways of going about daily life; ‘ways of operating’ that embrace trivial as well as sophisticated ‘background social activity’. Accordingly, the key aims of everyday life can be achieved, first, if the tactics of everyday practices do not conceal the background of social activity; second, even if there is abstruseness, the aims can still be achieved if a set of modus operandi, be it theoretical questions, methods, categories or perspectives, gain insight into this obscurity to make it possible to enunciate them (de Certeau, 1984). Moreover, the processes of urbanisation are pivotal to the transformations and growing complexities found in the everyday practices of people, families and households. 24 In their article on Existential Ontology, which discusses Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus (see below), Drefus and Rainbow (1993) argue, in contrast, that individual practices of coping (that are projected as primordial), emerge from the processes of socialisation and cultural training that are transformed gradually into public norms as structured, objective and unified. Therefore, such processes of social activity of everyday practice ‘governs’ an individual by deciding what probabilities “show up as making sense” (Drefus and Rainbow, 1993: 37). At the heart of this thesis are the experiences of young, middle class, Assamese women for whom higher education, paid employment and routine mobility function as significant expressions of class habitus. Pierre Bourdieu, an influential French social scientist, whose work spans the fields of sociology, anthropology and cultural studies as well as human geography, developed the notion of habitus. Bourdieu defines habitus as a nexus of “shared social dispositions and cognitive structures which generates perceptions, appreciations and actions” (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu, 1984: 279). Central to Bourdieu’s notion of habitus is an understanding of the component through which the social customs and conventions of a community are assimilated over time, mainly via the “formative experiences of earliest infancy, of the whole collective history of family and class” (Bourdieu, 1990: 91, see also O'Mahoney, 2007). Bourdieu argues that the everyday practices of individuals arise from habitus (McNay, 1999). Although habitual practices are incorporated in individual practices as well as in individuals, it is actually a set of shared social attitudes that produces almost uncritical, naturalised behaviour. Arguably, social relations, more importantly, gender relations can be best understood in terms of habitual practices (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu, 1984). Such habitual practices can be expressed in the way an individual stands, walks, inhabits space, talks (which includes accent and usage of phrases and idioms), thinks, feels and dresses (Bourdieu, 1977; Krais, 1993). Arguably, habitus is a way of operating, 25 “generative principles of regulated improvisations” (Bourdieu, 1977: 78, Krais, 1993), a structure, embraced by genesis (Krais, 1993). Bourdieu (1990: 56) thus describes habitus as a conceptual framework that represents the past as a by-product in the form of an “embodied history, internalized as a second nature” (Krais, 1993). It is in this context, Krais (1993) argues, that Bourdieu’s notion of habitus is somewhat different to the concept of ‘role’ as defined by sociologists this is based on a fixed or finite set of rules. By contrast, “habitus refers to something incorporated, not to a set of norms or expectations existing independently of, and externally to, the agent” (Krais, 1993: 170). Thus, Bourdieu’s notion of habitus is complex, dynamic, both objective and subjective, extremely varied, infusing the fields of diverse subjects, and often “the site of the constitution of the person-in-action” (Postone et al., 1993: 4). Habitus, therefore, can be defined as the dynamic intersectional analysis of structure and action taken together with society and the individual (Postone et al., 1993). This notion of habitus also allows the examination of the behaviour of agents that are integrated and regulated objectively on the one hand, “without being the product of rules”, while rationally cognizant on the other hand (Postone et al., 1993: 4). This entails apprehension of practical expertise, which an individual has of their social situation, whilst at the same time grounding such expertise socially (Postone et al., 1993). Bourdieu’s notion of habitus bears a similarity to that of culture, though the latter operates on a larger scale (Bourdieu, 1977; Lash, 1993; Li Puma, 1993). The word ‘culture’ is a term highly subjected to contestation. Edward Tylor defines culture as the “most complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities acquired by man [sic] as a member of society” (1871: 1). Raymond Williams, one of the pioneers of cultural studies in Great Britain, paved the way to demonstrate that the meaning of the word ‘culture’ has shifted with changing society. Arguably, culture is a dynamic system, always in 26 the process of fragmentation, that also embraces pluralisation of culture to include all cultures and subcultures. In their book, Culture and Public Action, edited by Vijayendra Rao and Michael Walton reinforce that culture is inherently a dynamic process and predominantly about relationality. This strengthens Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of ‘field’ which is also about ‘relational analysis’ (Calhoun, 1993; LiPuma, 1993; Postone et al., 1993: 5). The notion of Bourdieu’s field is an investigation of his three-tiered hierarchy of social structures; each distinct field comprising its own history, logic and agent is situated within the notion of power as well as determined with relation to the internal dynamics of power (LiPuma, 1993). Postone et al. argue (1993: 5), that the concept of Bourdieu’s field can be defined as “an account of the multi-dimensional space of positions and the position taking of agents. The position of a particular agent is the result of interplay between that person’s habitus and his or her place in a field of positions as defined by the distribution of the appropriate form of capital. The nature and range of possible positions varies socially and historically”. (Postone et al., 1993: 5) Bourdieu’s concept of culture (symbolic order), or more specifically cultural capital, runs parallel to the fields or structured systems of social positions, where he describes the extent to which the cultural markers of taste (including knowledge, manners and patterns) and of consumption serve as a source of social distinctions, as economic capital is exchanged for different kinds of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1984; LiPuma, 1993). Examples of the fields of social distinctions along class (also caste in the Indian context), community and gender lines include education, employment, formal politics, lifestyles, scientific areas as well as the major areas of consumption such as housing, home decoration, tourism, music or artistic endeavour. 27 Bourdieu’s analogy of cultural capital bears no relation to capital and culture as such, but definitely he believes that cultural (or social) distinctions play important roles in reproducing and expressing inequalities of economic capital (Bourdieu, 1985; Lipuma, 1993; Postone et al., 1993). Arguably, culture can be legitimised to vie for power relations based on material resources as well as add to its obscurity in terms of politics of representation (Bourdieu, 1984; 1985; Jackson, 1989; Postone et al., 1993). As such, the notion of Bourdieu’s capital serves to arbitrate theoretically both individual and society as well (Postone et al., 1993). Feminists have also paid close attention to the notion of everyday practices (Rose, 1993). Smith (1987) locates the geography of everyday discourse as the world that is encountered directly and daily. It is the world in which an individual socialises by locating themselves physically. Arguably, positioning one’s subjectivity in everyday life is implicit in its bodily existence (Smith, 1987). It is well documented, however, that within its own scope, everyday life may not be fully understandable (Smith, 1987); therefore, she calls for an ethnographic mode of inquiry to explore the practices of everyday. Again, in her book Institutional Ethnography, Smith (2005) develops an institutional ethnographical methodological approach of inquiry and discovery that uses everyday practices as a lens to investigate social relations as well as social institutions (Smith, 2005). The lived experiences as well as the daily rhythms of everyday life of a particular institution are evidenced as ‘conditions’, ‘occasions’, ‘objects’, ‘possibilities’, ‘relevance’, ‘presence’ and so on, arranged in and by the habitual practices through which the institution is being supplied and discovered (Smith, 1987: 89). Therefore, it is a requisite that everyday life be visualised as structured by social relations that are usually not noticeable within it (Smith, 1987; Smith, 2005). Hence, an investigation circumscribing itself to the everyday practices of ‘direct 28 experience’ is inadequate to explain its social organisation (Smith, 1987: 89; Smith, 2005). She goes on to argue that: “The everyday world is not an abstracted formal “setting” transposed by the sociologists’s conceptual work to an abstracted formal existence. It is an actual material setting, an actual local and particular place in the world”. (Smith, 1987: 97) Various studies in geography and feminist accounts of the space of the everyday practices have examined how the intersectionality of everyday life and particular place(s) builds social action (Bassett, 2002; Datta, 2007; Mills, 2007; Nagar, 2000a; Nagar, 2000b; Rose, 1993; Smith, 2007). These studies have developed intersectional or integrative analysis of particular issues with respect to gender, race, class, caste and sexuality to illustrate how such intersectionality produces social action through the notion of a sense of place to shape people’s lives. The term intersectionality refers to the multiple and complex interconnections between socio-cultural categories and identities (Davis, 2008; Egeland and Gressgård, 2007; Hancock, 2007a, 2007b; Knudsen, 2006; McCall, 2001, 2005; Valentine, 2007). The feminist theory of intersectionality is an integrated approach, a tool that recognises and evaluates the multifarious forms of discrimination, often through interaction between two or more forms of discriminations that reveal inequalities amongst women (or by gender) (Davis, 2008, Knudsen, 2006; McCall, 2001, 2005; Valentine, 2007). This framework identifies women as a heterogeneous group, each individually positioned in relation to multiple and layered experiences of racial/ethnic, sexual and economic discriminations that may take place as a result of the synthesis of identities.9 Recent geographical, political and sociological 9 Intersectionality: A Tool for Gender and Economic Justice (http://www.awid.org/publications/primers/intersectionality_en.pdf, January, 12, 2008) 29 research has explored intersectionality as a point of departure mediating different aspects of social identity, such as class, ethnicity, gender and sexuality (Pratt, 1999; Pratt, 2002). By way of example, Geraldine Pratt (1998: 26) observes the way individuals are effectively ‘torn between identifications’ in the coordination of everyday life (Jarvis et al., 2001). This understanding of intersectionality as a normative and empirical research paradigm, offers scope to probe the changeable nature of these varied aspects of constructed identities, and in this way, trying to conceptualise intersectionality (Davis, 2008; Egeland and Gressgård, 2007; Hancock, 2007a, 2007b; Knudsen, 2006; McCall, 2001, 2005; Valentine, 2007). Because this research mainly adopts a ‘women in development (WID) approach’, (Chapter 2) the key intersections of mediation are those of class (including caste), women and gender. Everyday space and women’s daily practices and routines are key issues in feminist research as a means to demonstrate the constraints and confinement of women especially within the house and locale (Rose, 1993; Smith, 1987). Central to an understanding of such unequal practices of everyday life is the public/private divide (Rose, 1993; Smith, 1987). Contemporary debate about the public sphere is drawn mainly from the seminal works of Jürgen Habermas (1989).10 This literature has expanded rapidly in recent years; diffusing diverse regions and periods over space and time. Habermas (1989), while discussing the hierarchal development of a public-private split, argues that in the classical societies, the public domain represented the citizen’s power to actively participate and debate in the political life. By contrast, the private domain represents the lack of such power. Habermas, says for instance, “the realm of necessity and transitoriness remained immersed in the obscurity of the private sphere. In contrast--- stood---the public sphere as a realm of freedom and permanence”. 10 Originally published in 1962 in German and translated into English by Thomas Burger in 1989. 30 (Habermas, 1989: 3-4) Habermas (1989) goes on to argue that, in the early industrial capitalist world, the public world of paid work comprised two separate spheres: the state and the realm of public political debate between its citizens. Similarly, the private world constituted two institutions: the family and the market economy (Habermas, 1989). However, this distinction is in the process of breaking down in welfare state capitalism, where citizen’s power to participate in political debate has diminished in the context of politicised ‘publicity’ and social welfare. Similarly, the social institutions such as the family/market relationship as well as market/state separation are being gradually obscured. The boundaries of the Habermasian discussion of public sphere theory, however, is being pushed forward and reshaped by the on-going restructuring processes of a globalised capitalist economy as well as other public assemblies that are often ignored because of a narrowly- defined discourse. The book, After Habermas, edited by Nick Crossley and John Michael Roberts (2004) is an excellent example for bringing alternative perspectives and ideas to bear on theories of the public sphere. For example, the public sphere is being (re)shaped and (re)politicised with the emergence of the internet, the global network of networks, a potential medium for transnational democracy (Bohman, 2004). Again McLaughlin (2004: 157) outlines the possible prospects for, and hindrance to, the creation of a political economy of a “transnational feminist public sphere”. She argues that the emergence of a transnational feminist network is one of the most noticeable manifestations of the development of a transnational public sphere. She goes on to argue that despite the existence of such networks, feminist theorists have had little impact on this field of development. Further, McLaughlin (2004) argues that in the contemporary globalised economic world, a space shaped by the 31 neoliberal paradigm (see chapter 2); the boundaries of the public sphere are being expanded by communication, cyberspace and other modes of information technology. The Fourth World Conference on Women (FWCW) held in Beijing in 1995 recognised ‘communication’ as a significant tool to women’s empowerment. Since then women’s networks have been developed at the local, national and international level. The efforts of these women’s organisations largely remain focused on the promulgation of global information, monitoring governmental and intergovernmental organisations and organising educational and awareness programmes for the promotion of social, political and economic empowerment (McLaughlin, 2004). In this context McLaughlin (2004) emphasises the significance of transnational feminist networks as public spaces; as sites for promoting unanimity, sharing and exchanging experiences and strategies. It is well documented that the notion of public/private debate was reinforced by the First Wavers (see below) with the aim, in part, of “dissolving the distinction between a private woman’s sphere and a public, male arena” (Peet, 1998: 248). Feminists since this time have challenged the notion of a dichotomy between these overlapping spheres (Fraser, 1989; MacKinnon, 1989; McDowell, 2006; Rose, 1993; Walby, 1990). They have also recognised the many ways in which space is always gendered (McDowell, 1983; Rose, 1993; 1996; Pain, 1991; Valentine, 1989). Straddling the intersection of private/public spaces are those spaces of transcendence, production, politics and power that are frequently regarded as a male domain. By contrast, ‘home’as a space of reproduction has frequently been regarded as a private and quiet space for women to perform unpaid labour (Okin, 1989; Pateman 1988, Rose, 1993; Walby, 1990). This research recognises that private and public spaces are the ‘practiced places’ (de Certeau, 1984: 117) intimately connected to the hierarchy of private and public spheres. Private space, in this research, includes those spaces used by the young middle class 32 career-minded Assamese women of my sample to practise everyday the discourses connected to femininity and modernity (see Chapter 2) especially within the household (see Chapters 5 and 6). For examples, the expectations associated with marriage and motherhood; ‘the double burden’, especially for majority of the married women in the sample (who have paid work) with respect to housework and childcare; their position within the family as a daughter and daughter-in-law; and to highlight the role of the women in the sample as mothers in socialising their children into the more subtle elements of cultural values. Public space embraces those spaces used by these women while commuting daily between home to their places of study (or to pursue their career) such as streets (neighbourhood streets, streets leading to the main roads), modes of public transport (which may include city buses, trekkers and rickshaws) as well as sites like bus-stops and market streets (including bazaars and shopping malls). In the context of India too, a number of studies have highlighted the intersectionality of gender and public (Patel, 2006; Khan, 2007; Ranade, 2007; Phadke, 2007; Viswanath and Mehrotra, 2007). For example, Patel (2006), in her nuanced study of public space within the context of neoliberalisation, notes that the expansion of the labour market has changed the urban landscape, the nightscape, and shifted the roles of Indian women. This is particularly notable in the case of new job opportunities in the service sector, especially the IT sector and transnational call centres where calls have to be taken through the night to coincide with the day-time hours of callers living and working in the USA and the UK. She argues, however, that such changes have not resulted in any changes in the patriarchal relations of power, where women find their social and spatial mobility restricted when out in the nightscape, as “the nightscape brings forth gender and class connotations that mark their bodies as sites of transgression” (Patel, 2006: 18). This argument resonates with the findings presented in Chapter 6; here, theoretical sensitivity towards geography, gender and fear in public space 33 highlights the restrictions evoked in the everyday mobility of the women in my sample when they are out in public to attend classes and to pursue an independent career. Further, there remains a general consensus that the notion of work came to be enforced spatially under the metaphorical division of public (paid work synonymous with employment) and private spheres (unpaid labour) since the Industrial Revolution that began in Great Britain in the second half of the eighteenth century. The emergence of this division brought new divisions of labour between working-class men and women and idealised separate boundaries for middle-class men and women (Rendall, 1990). The materialisation of such spatial binary dualism came to be associated with that of the ‘home’ (feminine) for women and ‘work’ (masculine) for men (Sarma, forthcoming). Arguably, the hidden politics of public/private dichotomy is rooted within the notion of power (see Chapter 2). It is well documented that although public and private spaces are socially and spatially separate, the two are inherently unstable, clearly interconnected in complex ways and produce ‘hybrid spaces of agency’ (Coe et al., 2007; Datta, 2007: 216; MacKinnon, 1989). Further, many feminist scholars argue that increasing participation of women in paid employment accentuates the public/private distinction as fluid and blurred, often yielding a mirage (Bhattacharjee, 2006; Brown, 1997; MacKinnon, 1989; Walby, 1997). Contextualising these theoretical accounts, I build on my thesis to explore the complexities and diversified aspects of the everyday lives of young, career-minded middle class Assamese women that underpin their changing status and role. Since the thesis sets itself up as a study of changing status and role, this at once leads to the question, changes from what? Hence, the following section is an attempt to contextualise the changing status of Indian women, mainly since India’s independence in 1947 with respect to education and career (employment). 34 1.4.0. Indian Women’s Changing Status There is usually a consensus that following independence for India in 1947, women started to emerge from the grip of centuries of male domination. In colonial India, as a result of political and economic marginalisation, women were generally the victims of androcentric colonialism, as witnessed by explicit barriers to their educational and career advancement, as well as controls over their reproductive health and contraceptive decision-making. However, this is not to say that in the pre-independent India was without organisations that worked for Indian women’s improved status. In fact Indian women, taken aback by the notion of 1920s ‘Gandhian Feminism’ 11 (Kumar, 1993: 67), were central to the Indian Nationalist Movement as a part of their pre-independent feminist movement. This occurred against a backdrop of liberal democratic values taking root in the West that was sanctioned by British bureaucrats. However, the women’s movement in India actually gained inspiration from within the value system of its own society (see section on post-colonialism). Between the 1820s and 1850s, social reformers played a significant role in highlighting the importance of class (also caste) and region in shaping some powerful pre-independence femininities. For example, Rajaram Mohan Roy (of Brahma Samaj in Eastern India), Swm Dayanand Saraswati (of Arya Samaj in Northern India), Prathana Samaj in western India, the Theosophical Society in Southern India, Swm Viveknanda, Pandit Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar all, among many others, worked for the amelioration of the status of women in such things as the eradication of female infanticide, sati (widow-burning), prostitution, widow-remarriages, begging by destitute 11 Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian Nationalist Movement, also known as ‘the parent of ‘Indian Women’s Movement” (Kumar, 1993:2) not only considered that women are equal to men, but he practised it in strict sense of the term. Under, his influence hundreds and thousands of women, both literate and illiterate, housewives and widows participated in India’s freedom movement. (Arya, 2000; Chandra et.al, 2000; Kumar, 1993). The notion of Gandhian feminism connected ‘femininity’ with ‘spiritual’ and ‘moral courage’ and defined the “feminine’ qualities as having the strength to combat imperial power’ (Menon, 1999: 9). The chief motto of this Gandhian feminism was to empower women using their socio-economic status. Arguably, this notion of Gandhian feminsim of 1920s gradually developed into ‘majority feminism’ in the 1930s (Kumar, 1993: 67). 35 women (Kumar, 1993; Prakash, 2000; Patel, 2001; Sen, 2002). Before I discuss this further, I will situate the labels of the ‘wave phenomena’ of feminism in the Indian context. The women’s movement of the West is labelled in three ways: first, second and Third Wave (Peet, 1998). Following the Seneca Falls Convention in the USA, the First Wave feminism that began in 1848 under the leadership of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, with its one crucial aim of women’s political suffrage, is believed to have ended in the 1920s after having achieved its objectives (Kinser, 2004; Peet, 1998; Walby, 1997). Coined by Marsha Lear, Second Wave feminism started in the 1960s and remains active to date (Garrison, 2004; Kinser, 2004). While Third Wave feminism emerged in the mid-1980s as a product of the increased discussions and writings on intersections of feminism and racism (Baumgardner and Richards, 2000; Heywood and Drake 1997; Kinser, 2004) (see Chapter 2). The aims, objectives, struggles, strategies and tensions of each wave are diverse and varied; therefore it is difficult to speak of a single women’s movement (Peet, 1998). In a similar context, I argue that the Indian women’s movement being a heterogeneous movement, believed to be historically grounded in the India’s Nationalist movement and partly First Wave feminism, carries counter currents with a focus on varied problems beyond women’s rights, class, caste and gender (Derne, 2001). Therefore, I try to divide the movement into first, second and Third Waves in line with the West, first, to understand the greater depth, breadth, versatility and uniqueness of the Indian women’s movement and second, echoing Kinser (2004: 129) “as a way of negotiating feminist space”. Despite the great efforts of the social reformer(s) the process of amelioration in the true sense of the term was provided by independent India, which fostered a route to constitutionalise gender equity in law (Chandra et al., 2000; Kumar, 1993). The very first of these constitutionalised promises was the guarantee of complete ‘Equality between the sexes’ 36 (Kumar, 1993:1) and women’s right to the franchise (Chandra et al., 2000; Kumar, 1993). The other promises that were materialised just after India’s independence were sections of the Hindu Code Bill (a measure to “unify, modernise and codify” the Hindu law, giving greater rights to women) in the form of such acts as the Hindu Marriage Act; the Hindu Succession Act, the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act and the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act; and the Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 (Bannigan, 1952: 173; Chandra et al., 2000; Laxmi, 2006; Levy, 1968; Kumar,1993; Ray, 1952; Reddi, 1996). Such “extension of legal rights to Hindu women was not sufficient but it was a big step forward” (Chandra et al., 2000: 452). Gradually, thus, independence not only ushered in modernisation, economic development, urbanisation, and neoliberalism (new economic reforms since late the1980s) (see Chapter 2), it also raised increased awareness of women’s marginalisation. This awareness led to a number of international conferences such as the International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo (ICPD, 1994) 12 and the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing (FWCW, 1995). Consequently, women’s advancement, development and empowerment emerged as areas of significant emphasis for the Government of India. 13 Education and employment (career) are the two key arenas through which Indian women gained access to the public sphere. With respect to education (and literacy), a suite of focused policies has been introduced by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, and Department of Education, Government of India, through a series of Five Year Plans, 14 the Kothari Commission 15 (Education Commission, 1964-66), Towards Equality Report 16 (1971- 12 http://www.edcnews.se/Files/Cairoplusten.pdf, October, 8, 2006 13 For details please see National Policy for the Empowerment of Women, 2001, India (http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/skills/hrdr/init/ind_2.htm, March, 27, 2007) and Towards Partnership Between Men and Women in Politics, New Delhi, 14-18 February 1997 14 http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/planrel/fiveyr/welcome.html, January, 10, 2006 15 The Government of India appointed the Kothari Education Commission (1964-66) to generate an overall development strategy for education at all stages and in all aspects (Bagulia, 2004; Saikia, 1962). The headline narrative of the lengthy report which the Commission produced was the urgent need for women to have greater equality of access to educational opportunities. The commission also stressed a more significant role for Indian 37 74) and the National Policy on Education 17 (1968, 1986,18 1992) (see Chapter 2) . These were all intended to address mass illiteracy, particularly among women. Such policies are responsible, at least in part, for improvements in the literacy rates for both males and females in India, including Assam, since independence in 1947. Therefore, for Indian women’s equality and empowerment, education is undeniably the very basic indicator. Table 1.1 illustrates the magnitude of the change in literacy over time, comparing Assam with India, showing that the literacy gap between males and females has decreased over time. According to the census report of 2001, the literacy rate for the whole of India was 65.38%, where 54.1% of females and 75.85% males were considered literate. According to the same 2001 census report, the overall literacy rate for Assam was 64.24%, with female and male literacy being 56.03% and 71.93% respectively. This shows that the literacy rate for females in the study region is marginally higher than the national average. women outside the home as both a consequence, and continuing driver, of India’s economic restructuring. This phenomenon was to become more significant over time. Interestingly, the commission identified the promotion of greater opportunities for part-time employment as a means to enable educated women to participate in paid employment without undermining the fabric of Indian family life (Bagulia, 2004; Mazumdar and Agnihotri, 1999; Saikia, 1962). 16 This report was prepared by the Committee on Status of Women in India, appointed by the Government of India at the initiation of the United Nations. The report painted a bleak picture of women’s disadvantage with respect to literacy and education stating that, according to the census report 1971, in the age group 15-25 years, nearly 68% of women and about 87% in the age group of 25 years and above was illiterate. In addition to this, it also cited the high rate of girls who dropped out of school (for details see, Committee on the Status of Women in India, 1974). 17 National Policy on Education (http://www.education.nic.in/natpol.htm, July, 5, 2006) 18 Emphasised compulsory elementary education up to the age of 14 and free education in the majority of states and Union Territories from years I to XII; some states, like Meghalaya and Assam, take tuition fees per annum per child in Government Schools for Classes IX and above. For Assam, the tuition fees per annum per child are only Rs. 48. 38 Table 1.1 Literacy rate 19 in India and Assam by sex: 1951-2001 (%) Census Year India Assam Persons Males Females Persons Males Females 1951 18.33 27.16 8.86 18.53 28.01 7.58 1961 28.30 40.40 15.35 32.95 44.28 18.62 1971 34.45 45.96 21.97 33.94 43.72 22.76 1981♣ 43.47 56.38 29.76 1991 52.21 64.13 39.29 52.89 61.87 43.03 2001 65.68 75.85 54.16 64.28 71.93 56.03 ♣Excludes Assam as 1981Census could be conducted in Assam due to disturbed conditions produced by Assam Agitation (1979-1985) Sources: Census of India, 2001, series 1, India, Paper 1 of 2001, page, 115 and Census of India, 2001, series 19, Assam, Paper 1 of 2001, page, 23 Within contemporary Indian society, saddled by the yoke of privilege, young, Assamese middle class women are seen to outperform their male counterparts in all levels of college education (see Chapter 5). These women are gradually advancing into the labour market (see Table 4.4 that highlights the issues of change and women’s aspiration through biographical/narrative data). However, gender inequalities remain ingrained in the highest levels of the economic ladder and married women (who also have paid work) especially face persistent inequalities with respect to housework and childcare (see Chapters 5 and 6). The following section highlights the key aims of the thesis followed by a discussion on the location and historical background of Assam. 1.5.0 Research Questions The overarching aim of this thesis is to explore and interrogate the complexities and contradictory processes involved in the everyday lives of young, educated, middle class women underpinning their changing status and role in Assam. It was a conscious decision to probe the aspirations of women whose access to the intellectual opportunities of ‘elite’ state- funded higher education institutions opens up a variety of biographical narratives, not least 19 Literacy rates for 1951, 1961 and 1971 Census (for India and Assam) relate to population aged five years and above. The rates for 1981, 1991 and 2001 Census relate to the population aged seven years and above. 39 those associated with an independent career, marriage and motherhood. The specific aims that are addressed by this research and reported in this thesis are: • To explore the extent to which Assamese middle class women in higher education aspire to construct their identities: is higher education personally liberating or an extension of family duty? Associated with this, it aims to investigate the attitudes of these women towards the norms associated with career, marriage and motherhood. • To highlight the persistent inequalities faced by the majority of married women students at home (who also have a job) due to the continuing pressure to maintain labour-intensive standards of cooking and childcare. Alongside this it also aims to explore other diversified aspects of the everyday experience of women in a range of themes such as cultural and religious beliefs and position within the family – underpinning women’s changing status and role within the private sphere. • To probe the restrictions imposed on these women in their geography of everyday mobility (with respect to women’s accounts of street sexual harassment such as stalking, verbal abuse commonly referred to locally as ‘eve-teasing’20) in their attempt to gain access to public space 21 (Phadke, 2007) to pursue study or career; as well as the reasons for these restrictions which may include the advancing trend of globalisation and neoliberalism and the proliferation of ‘immodest’ style of dress. 20 United Nations Social and Economic Council have identified two types of sexual harassment laws. Among the two, the first is unwanted advances or molestation by men on women in public places such as beaches, roads, cinema halls, buses and sadly even in educational institutions. This is commonly referred to as eve teasing or street sexual harassment. The term ‘eve teasing’ is used commonly in South Asian countries (mainly in India, Bangladesh and Pakistan). In the case of India, such harassments against women are identified as crime under the Section 509 of Indian Penal Code. [Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective-Violence Against Women (http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/0/d90c9e2835619e79c1256ce00058c145/$FILE/G0310100.pdf, December, 22, 2006)] 21 Although this thesis situates the discourse of safety and security with respect to only young middle class women but such discourse may be equally applicable to women of other classes with respect to their access to public spaces (Phadke, 2007) 40 1.5.1 The land of red rivers and blue mountains Location and general background of Assam Located in between the tropical latitudes 24º 3´ and 28º north and eastern longitudes 89º5´ and 96º1´, Assam, the main gateway to the north-eastern part of India, is often described as the land of the ‘Red Rivers and Blue Hills’22. The state of Assam 23 has a unique geographical character and can aptly be described as the political and economic nerve centre of north- eastern India covering a geographical area of 78, 438 sq. kms. (Bora, 2001; Bhattacharyya, 2005). It is one of the 28 Indian states and has boundaries with two foreign countries and seven Indian states (see, location map of Assam, figure 1.1). To the north of it lies the part of the state of Arunachal Pradesh and Bhutan. The eastern boundary is bordered by the state of Nagaland, Manipur and some parts of Arunachal Pradesh. To the south, there lie the states of Mizoram and Meghalaya. The western side is bounded by the states of Tripura, West Bengal and Bangladesh (erstwhile East Bengal). Assam is the most populous state in North-East India with a population of 26,638,407 persons consisting of 12,850,608 females and 13,787,799 males.24 Although the region is rich in natural and mineral resources, agriculture characterised by small-scale farming, accompanied by low level technology (Bhagawati and Dutta, 2001) is the mainstay of the economy where 22 It is a land of ‘Red River’ because the mighty river Brahmaputra flows from east to west and dominates the whole of the Brahmaputra Valley and then merges with the Gangetic plain. A land of ‘Blue Hills’ because the geographic location of Assam is unique amidst the complex geologic and physiographic make-up of the north- eastern region of India; except on its western part, the state is bounded by highlands of hills and plateaus on its other three sides. Arunachal Himalayas on the north, by Meghalaya Plateau and the hills of Manipur, Mizoram and Tripura border it on the south and by the Arunachal Himalayas and by the Naga-Patkai hill ranges on the east (Bora, 2001). The blue hills bisect each other in many parts of the state with their blue haze and evergreen forest (Gazetteer of India, Assam State, 1999). 23 In order to put an end to the last legacy of British colonial rule, the Government of Assam took a resolution on 27th February, 2006 to change the name of Assam to ‘Asom’. However, this is just a resolution and has not been ratified by the Central Government yet. Therefore, in this thesis, I will be using the name of the state as Assam (http://www.hinduonnet.com/2006/12/16/stories/2006121614550100.htm, December, 30, 2006) 24 Census of India, 2001 (http://www.censusindia.net/results/rudist.html, May, 30, 2005) 41 approximately 80% of the population lives in villages and both men and women are involved in most of the agricultural activities. Historical sketch Assam has been a place of great historical importance. It has been known by various names like Pragjyotisha during the early epic periods of Ramayana and Mahabharata, and as Kamarupa during the later part of the first millennium A.D., in the age of Puranas and Tantras (Taher and Ahmed, 1998) that encompassed the Brahmaputra Valley, Bhutan, KochBehar, and the Rangpur region in eastern Bengal. King Narakasura and his son Bhagadatta, who distinguished himself in the Mahabharata war, were the famous rulers of Pragjyotisha in the Mahabharata Period (at least as early as 1000 B.C.). The ancient land of Kamarupa was ruled by different dynasties namely Barman, Salastambha and Pala in between the fourth and twelfth centuries (Taher, 2001). In 1228 A.D., Ahoms, a Tai race of South East Asia, belonging to the Mongoloid ethnic status (Kumar et al., 2004; Phukan, 1992), and descendants of the first king Sukaphaa (1228-1268), established a strong kingdom in Assam. The Ahom rule reached its peak during the reign of King Rudra Singh (1696-1714). During this period, the Mughals from the West made repeated attempts to conquer Assam but failed. Ahoms were remarkably successful in resisting the Mughals. But finally, in December 1661, Mirjumla, one of the deputies of Aurangzeb gained success to conquer Coochbehar. And in March 1662, he entered the Ahom capital Gargaon. But the Mughal victory was short lived in Assam. In 1667, they were driven away by Lachit Barphukan, one of the heads of the Ahom army before they could launch any further effective expeditions against the Ahoms. However, Ahom power gradually started declining in the second half of the 18th century as a result of both external and internal dissensions as well as civil war. It is well documented that one of such dissensions was the succession of Moamaria rebellions from 1769 to 1786. Again in 1816, 42 1817 and 1821 erstwhile Burma (now Myanmar) invaded Assam through its eastern borders ravaged the whole of Brahmaputra valley to establish an oppressive rule. Finally in 1826, following the treaty of Yandaboo,25 the British annexed the Ahom kingdom and drove away the Burmese from the Brahmaputra Valley and brought it under the provincial administration of Bengal (Taher, 2001). Bengali was made the official language, and educated Bengali workers staffed administrative and professional positions, gradually opening a floodgate for the Bengali-speaking people, particularly the Muslim peasantry, to migrate from the densely populated erstwhile East Bengal (now Bangladesh) to the fertile lands of the Brahmaputra valley. Following repeated demands by the intellectuals and middle class of Assam alongside the language agitation of 1960-61(Chapter 3), for Assamese to replace Bengali as the official language in the Government offices and in educational institutions, Assamese became an official language in all government offices and educational institutes (Goswami, 1997). However, this linguistic clash between the migrant Bengalese and the native population continued and generated a socio-cultural conflict between the two groups. Assam was first separated from Bengal creating a capital in Shillong on February, 6, 1874 (Taher, 2001). But again this province was re-amalgamated with erstwhile East Bengal (now Bangladesh) following the partition of Bengal into the west and the east by the British Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon in 1905. Then, following the shifting of the British capital city from Calcutta to New Delhi in 1912 (Dutta, 2003), Assam was balkanised once again by nullifying its partition with Bengal. This guinea pig treatment of its colonial geography generated an assumption that Assam was an extension of Bengal, which sowed the seeds of a deep anti-Bengali impression 25 In order to put an end to the First Burmese War in Assam, a Treaty of Peace known as the ‘Treaty of Yandaboo’ was signed in between the Honourable East India Company and His Majesty the King of Ava on February, 24, 1826. This treaty could also be marked as the beginning of company’s rule over Assam by annexing the Ahom Kingdom of Assam to the Presidency of Bengal (Baruah, 1999; Benerjee, 1992). 43 in the psyche of ethnic people of Assam. From then, the people of Assam started regarding the Bengalese as alien and, gradually, a hate-Bengali syndrome became part of the Assamese psyche, in terms of a fear of a loss of identity. In this context, Bareh (2001) argues that people of Assam regard Bengalese (especially the Bengalese of East Bengal) as the belligerent ethnic group who are guilty of committing cultural genocide in Assam. The Government of India encouraged a large-scale inflow of Bengalese peasantry by providing them with marginal lands and encouraged them to colonise new lands, which they transformed into cultivable land and directly made a positive impact on the economy of Assam. Similarly, the government employed people from Nepal as dairy herders and inspired them to occupy virgin land. Subsequently, traders, merchants and small-scale industrialists, such as Marwaris, Sikhs and many other enterprising Indians from other parts of the country emigrated to Assam and established businesses. After independence in 1947, Assam has been one of the fastest growing regions, especially in terms of population, which in turn has transformed the ethnic composition of the state. This kind of transformation has steadily eroded the politico-socio-economic prerogatives of the indigenous people of Assam, while maintaining the unique sense that a ‘melting pot’ of migrant population underpins the politics of Assam. Alongside, Assam gradually won control over its own state assembly and embarked on a manoeuvre to (re)claim the pre-eminence of the Assamese culture and develop employment opportunities for the indigenous people of Assam. The geo-politics of Assam marks a clear division between the hill and the plain regions, which was viewed by the leaders of Assam as an intentional segregation of the region. This portrait serves as a backdrop for my later discussion of the roles and identities of Assamese women in general and middle class women in particular. 44 1.6.0 Structure of the Thesis The thesis is divided into two parts (Parts I and II). Part I, presents the scope of debate and the methodology for the thesis. Chapter 2 sets the scene, presents the scope of intellectual debate and reviews literature on the emerging themes concerning the changing status of Indian women. While doing so, it theorises women’s empowerment in India under two umbrella themes – education and career. The intention of this chapter is to establish the theoretical context in which the thesis is situated and to identify some of the broader issues probed in the empirical chapters. Chapter 3 first presents the changing phases of contemporary Assam including the political background. Then it goes on to highlight women’s status and role in Assam today. Chapter 4 presents a detailed discussion Figure 1.1: Location Map of Assam 45 of the research design, including the sample frame and other methodological issues that arise from epistemology and research practice. Part II focuses on areas of social organisation and the interpretations of women’s changing role and status from my field work. In Chapter 5, I look first for the patterns within the three areas of social organisation, for example, higher educational level, career paths including labour market trends and sexual politics of the public sphere both from the published data and from my own questionnaire survey. These patterns are those that emerged from my interpretation of the secondary data and an extensive questionnaire survey. Then, in Chapter 6, I probe for the explanations for these patterns by looking at the way students’ narratives make sense of their values and by looking at the biographies in the in-depth interviews and focus groups. These explanations, in turn, are used to explore the contradictions associated with the career-mindedness of young, elite, middle class Assamese women who are exposed to various forms of power relations (that is, gender relations) within both the private and the public sphere that shape their positions and status. So, in these two chapters, I am moving from the general to the particular. Finally, Chapter 7 summarises all the findings of the empirical study by re-visiting the conclusions and summaries of the preceding chapters. It also discusses how the findings of the thesis might relate to further change in the status and role of young, middle class Assamese women. It draws together the threads of the findings in light of the literature discussed in Chapter 2 and suggests broader conclusions. Chapter 2 Theorising Women’s Empowerment in India 2.1.0 Introduction This chapter introduces a number of key intersecting debates that provide the conceptual frame of reference for this thesis. The literature on key issues such as feminisation, the impact of modernisation and development are critically reviewed. This establishes the conceptual rubric by which the daily lives of young, educated middle class Assamese women can be interpreted in the substantive chapters. Building on the normalising temporal framework of everyday practices introduced previously, this chapter opens up the question of women’s empowerment and subordination to closer scrutiny. One of the key indicators of empowerment used here is that of education; another is the notion of ‘employment’. It is the purpose of subsequent chapters (Chapters 5 and 6) to trace women’s everyday practices in these spheres to make the connections between the rhythms and norms of everyday geographies such as aspirations for a career combined with the competing role expectations at home as well as in the journey they make through public space. It is important to stress from the outset that women’s issues in Assam generally, as for India, represent a distinctively different trajectory from that of the Anglo-American feminist movement. It is nevertheless the case that discussion of feminism in India is informed and framed by feminism emanating from multiple disciplines and from outside India. In part this is because of a lack of literature on gender studies in Assam, and also because of a legacy of colonial intellectual domination. As a result, many of the issues educated women face in Assam (such as ‘balancing’ motherhood with a career of paid employment) appear to be 47 framed by a western discourse which does not quite fit. In other words, there is evidence of a mismatch between theory and practice. Moreover, feminism in Assam is frequently represented as being ‘developmentally delayed’, a ‘laggard’ trapped in the Second Wave, rather than being part of a uniquely Assamese trajectory. It should also be noted that there is a long history of a middle class in India. Chapter 3 discusses the shifting nature of Guwahati in order to explain the nature of ‘middle classness’ as an essential context to the later substantive chapters. In short, this chapter asks how the competing bodies of literature are contributing to our understanding of women’s changing role and status – with particular reference to young, middle class women who have good access to higher education. Within contemporary socio-geographic research, the subject of women’s status assumes a relative and multi-dimensional character, the nature of which has received considerable attention. The subject itself is very complex: it cannot be reduced to a political question but must be viewed rather as a social construction. The term ‘status’ is a gender-neutral term originally derived from Roman law, 26 but which can be used today to mean importance, prestige or position in terms of gender. The concept ‘status of women’ confounds precise definition and has been perceived in different ways in intellectual discourse and academic scholarship. According to the conceptual framework developed by the Department of Economic and Social Affairs, the United Nations (1975) in its publication Status of Woman and Family Planning, the concept is defined as the extent to which women have access to knowledge, economic resources and political power as well as the degree of autonomy they have in decision-making and making personal choices at crucial points in their life-course. According to Dixon (1978), the status of women means the extent of a woman’s access to social and material resources within the family, community and society. The idea of status can 26 A person’s legal standing or capacity referred to a person’s freedom, citizenship and family rights (Oxford Dictionary of Law,1983) 48 also mean women’s authority or power within the family or community and the prestige ascribed to them by others (Mukerjee, 1975). Similarly, according to the Towards Equality Report (1974), the status of women refers to the position of women in the social system, distinguishable from, yet related to, other positions. Again, the notion of status also connotes the idea of equality (Krishnaraj, 1986) between men and women. Furthermore, Xaxa (2004: 4) argues that “status as ‘prestige’ and ‘honour’ can only be studied in relation to values”. In short, the status of women in any society can be viewed as an index of the standard of social organisation that occurs at different levels in a hierarchy: individual, household, community, society, polity and administration. Within this hierarchy of social organisation it is facilitated by instruments of education, such as through policies to promote literacy, equal opportunities initiatives, access to new technology (such as the Internet and satellite TV), as well as through employment opportunities, increasing political representation and so on. In this thesis, however, the concept ‘status’ is being used in a ‘relative’ sense (Alexander and Jayaraman, 1977; Verma, 2005a) to show the position of women relative to men within three intersecting realms of social organisation: higher education, careers based on paid employment and a third realm examining the practical realities and experiences of fear as women move about in public spaces, such as the street, journeying to and from places of study and employment. This chapter is organised as follows. Section 2.2 theorises women’s empowerment in India. Here, first, I theorise the notion of empowerment in the context of its entangled notion of power. Following this, I discuss the theories explaining women’s subordination: biological ‘naturalisation’ of sex roles and patriarchal structures in state, market and family relations. Then I go on to challenge these theories by pointing to a trend of ‘Third Wave’ feminism. In Section 2.3, I outline the concepts of modernisation, post-colonialism and westernisation. In the light of these theories, I go on to discuss the multiple and sometimes contradictory 49 identities of Indian women in general as a prolegomena to exploring the conflicting roles and competing identities of young, middle class Assamese women in particular (Chapters 5 and 6). This section also examines the impact of structural reforms and neo-liberal policies and ideology on (different sections) of the labour market and on (different groups of) Indian women in general and middle class women in particular. In addition, the section engages the theoretical literature on post-colonial feminism by following Mohanty’s (1987, 1988; 1991b) critique of the universality and ethnocentricism of Anglo-American scholarship and presumptions about Third World women as accepting traditions passively (see Chapter1). I engage Mohanty’s critique to support the concept of tradition as a variable rather than a fixed concept (Hobsbawm, 1983). Following this, section 2.4 discusses women in development in India. This section advocates the efficiency approach of Women in Development (WID) programmes that places emphasis on “efficiency and economic growth and stresses the economic contribution of women to development”.27 The WID paradigm suggests that Assamese middle class women occupy a starting point of societal change in contemporary Assam. The subsequent sub-sections discuss the development of higher education in India followed by the role of paid employment in development and the process towards a feminisation of the labour force. I then close this chapter with a discussion on women’s representation in India and review the preceding sections as a set of conclusions to the chapter. 2.2.0 Theorising Indian Women’s Empowerment The language associated with the ‘empowerment of women’ became popular during the Second Wave feminism of the 1960s as a major goal of many Third World planning and 27 “Women in Development” Women 2000 (http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/public/women%20in%20development%201992.pdf, July20, 2008) 50 policy agencies (Moser, 1993). It has been studied extensively across social sciences and beyond. Chapter 1 introduced the different policies undertaken by the Government of India to ensure Indian women’s empowerment. Before discussing this further, it is essential to conceptualise the notion of empowerment. One of the challenges is to make sense of a term which has come to be so widely and liberally applied. Within development discourse, among academicians, labour organisations, health professions and many others, the language of empowerment is an umbrella concept, often used to justify development intervention (Nelson and Wright, 1995). It is generally understood that the roots of empowerment reside in definitions of power (Kabeer, 1999). In turn, power has to be understood as a dynamic and multivalent set of practices and situations (Fennell, 1999). Some theories of power, such as Michel Foucault’s (1978) post-structural perspective, (see below in this chapter) do not seek to locate power in a person or place in the sense of an attribute to be owned or placed. Rather than seeking to establish who ‘owns’ power in a particular context Foucault (1978: 93) exposes to scrutiny the way that power(s) are being exercised rather than being held: he argues that “power is everywhere; not because it embraces everything but because it comes from everywhere”. Similarly, in his influential article Empowerment-through-Participation as a Performance, Mike Kesby (2005) defines power (as in empowerment) as a ubiquitous force operating everywhere, that is not intrinsic to the subject (someone who is intrinsically powerful), but instead is disseminated through complex networks of social and institutional interaction, everyday practices, discourses and relationships where subjects are powerful. For Kesby (2005: 2040): “Neither is power inherently negative, limiting, or repressive; rather it is inherently productive of actions, effects, and subjects, even when most oppressive. Thus power governs not simply by refusal but also by permission: by telling people what they must
