The author(s) shown below used Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice and prepared the following final report: Document Title: Exploration of the Experiences and Needs of Former Intimate Stalking Victims Author(s): Mary P. Brewster Document No.: 175475 Date Received: May 1999 Award Number: 95-WT-NX-0002 This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice. To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this Federally- funded grant final report available electronically in addition to traditional paper copies. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. AN EXPLORATION OF THE EXPERIENCES AND NEEDS OF FORMER INTIMATE STALKING VIC'TIMS Final Report Submitted to the National Institute of Justice* Mary P. Brewster Department of Criminal Justice West Chester University West Chester, PA 19383 June 12, 1998 *This project was supported under award number 95-WT-NX-0002 fiom the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. Points of view in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the U.S. Department of Justice. 4 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The problem of stalking has only received widespread recognition during the present decade following the media coverage of a few “high profile” cases involving celebrities such as actresses Teresa Saldana, Rebecca Schaffer, and Jodie Foster, talk- show host David Letterman (see Perez, 1993: 268-270), and most recently, Nicole Simpson, ex-wife of O.J. Simpson. The result of increased public awareness of this type of behavior has resulted in the passage of anti-stalking laws duriing the past seven years in every state, beginning with California in 1990 (Cal. Penal Code, Section 646.9).l Anti-Stalking Legislation Current anti-stalking legislation varies fiom state to state in terms of substantive, or legal, definitions as well as the seriousness of the crime (and corresponding sanctions). Several authors have written comprehensive overviews of the content of anti-stalking legislation throughout the United States (e.g. Hunzeker, 1992; McAnaney, Curliss, & Abeyta-Price, 1993; Sohn, 1994; Thomas, 1993). While there is no universally accepted definition of stalking, it is generally “associated with pursuit oir harassment rather than actual physical harm” (Sohn, 1994: 207). Common elements in stalking statutes are references to “repeated following,” “harassing,” “course of conduct,” “harm to victim,” and “credible threat” (McAnaney, 1993 : 894-897; see also Ni-itional Criminal Justice Association, 1993). “Course of conduct” refers to behavior that occurs over some period of time (i.e. a series of acts). These acts may be the same or a variety of actiions over time included repeated “following, nonconsensual communication, harassing,, and trespassing,” or certain other forms of physical contact (McAnaney et al., 1993: 894-895; U.S. Department of Justice, 1993: 44). The National Criminal Justice Association (NCJA) has 0 1 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. developed a model anti-stalking code in which they define “course of conduct” as “repeatedly [on two or more occasions] maintaining a visual ac physical proximity to a person or repeatedly conveying verbal or written threats or threats implied by conduct or a combination thereof directed at or toward a person” (NCJA, 1993: 43). Some statutes specify the intended, while others specify the actual, effect that the behavior must have on the victim in order to constitute stalking. This may include the intent to place the person in fear of physical injury or to cause emotional distress (Mchaney et al., 1993: 896). Finally, in some states the anti-stalking statutes make reference to “credible threat.” In essence this means that the victim must actually believe that the stalker has the capacity to carry out a threat (e.g. “that would cause an individual to reasonably fear for [hidher safety or] the safety of another individual” (McAnaney et al., 1993: 896- 897)). a In addition to substantive variations in stalking laws, the classification of the crime according to seriousness (and resulting sanctions) also varies from state to state. Typically, stalking is classified as a misdemeanor, however several states have provisions in their statutes whereby certain aggravating circumstances can result in the behavior being classified a felony. For example, if a stalker is violating a temporary restraining order or an order of protection, or if a convicted stalker commits subsequent stalking behavior, the individual can receive a harsher sentence (McAnaney et al., 1993: 900- 901). Extent of the Stalking Problem Although only a handful of highly-publicized cases (and the resultant public pressure) appears to have been the impetus for anti-stalking statutes, a recent national 2 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. survey resulted in estimates that over one million women and 370,000 men each year are victims of stalking (Tjaden, 1997). The researchers also suggest that one in twelve American women will be stalking victims at some point in their lives. These estimates far exceed earlier, more conservative estimates (see e.g. Guy, 19’93: 995). Although stalking is estimated to be a widespread problem affecting people of all walks of life, research on stalking and victims of stalking has been scant. PROJECT DESCRIPTION Purpose of the Study The purpose of this research study was to explore the nature of the stalking experiences of non-celebrity, former intimate victims, or “ordinary people.” Victim interviews provided the researcher with data on the nature of the stalking, the relationship between the victim and the stalker, the victim’s response to the stalking, the consequences of the stalking for the victim, and the needs of stalking victims and fiilfillment of those needs in terms of victim services and the criminal justice system. Research Approach Sample The sample for the study consisted of 187 women who were recent (i.e. during the previous five years) former intimate stalking victims in Chester, Delaware, Bucks, Lehigh, Philadelphia, Dauphin, and Montgomery Counties in south-eastem Pennsylvania identified through victim service agencies and law enforcement agencies, as well as through advertisements in widely distributed area newspapers (e.g Philadelphia Inquirer, etc.).’ Counties were selected based on efficiency in terms of the shortest travel distances e for the researcher and fellow interviewer as well as the potential of the population of the 0 3 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. counties to provide large numbers of subjects with varying demographic characteristics. In addition, fliers were posted in laundromats, supermarkets, and an international e women’s symposium in Philadelphia. The resulting sample consisted of female stalking victims ranging in age from 18 through 74 (~34.5, s.d.=9.3, median=34), who were between the ages of 15 and 58 when the stalking began. About three-quarters of the sample were nonhispanic white (74.5%) and 23.4% were African American. Other racial groups were not well represented in the sample. Ninety percent of the women had completed at least high school, and 69% had completed at least some college. The victims’ annual household incomes ranged fiom nothing through $130,000. Most of the women resided in suburban areas (74.3%), some in urban areas (23.5%), and few in rural areas (2.2%) despite advertising efforts soliciting subjects fiom rural areas. Legislative Model The general concepts contained in the Pennsylvania staking statute were used as the framework upon which this research was based. Pursuant to tllis statute: A person commits the crime of stalking when he engages in a course of conduct or repeatedly commits acts toward another person, including following the person without proper auth’ority, under circumstances which demonstrate either of the following: (1) an intent to place the person in reasonablle fear of bodily injury; (2) an intent to cause substantial emotional (distress to the person. or PA Code Section 18: 2709 (rev. 1994) When women called to inquire about participation in the study, they were screened to insure that they met two criteria for inclusion in the saLmple. First, they must ! have been repeatedly harassed, followed, and/or threatened during the past five years by someone with whom they had had an intimate relationship (i.e. through marriage, 0 4 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. cohabiting, or dating).3 Second, the women must have either experienced emotional distress, fear of bodily harm, actual bodily harm, or the belief that the stalker intended to cause one or more of the above. It is important to note that, unlike the legal definition of stalking presented above, actual intent to cause fear of bodily harm or to cause substantial emotional distress was not a criteria in this research study. Data Collection Extensive (1 to 3 hour) semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted with each woman in order to gather information about the nature of her former relationship with her stalker, characteristics of the stalking experience, the effects of the stalking, and her resultant needs. A brief questionnaire was also administered to obtain demographic information about the women. Data were collected from January 1996 through July 1997. The interview consisted of both open-ended and fixed alternative questions. Respondents were able to elaborate following every question. 'The interview began by requesting the woman to describe what happened to her in terms of her stalking victimization. Responses to this question lasted anywhere from :5 minutes to two hours. Following this question, the respondent was asked a series of folllow-up questions which explored five different areas or domains: (1) her prior relationship with the stalker; (2) the characteristics of the stalking; (3) her attempts to discourage the stalker (through both legal and extralegal mechanisms); (4) assistance sought by the victim through formal and informal networks (and the subsequent handling of the situation by others); (5) the effects of the stalking on the victim; and (6) other victimization experiences. Several of the areas and/or specific questions were based on a review of the scant stalking literature e 5 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. (Dieti: 1989% 1989b; Dietz & Martell, 1989; Dietz et al, 1991% 1991b) as well as the general victimization literature (e.g. Abt, 1982; Baurman & Schadler, 199 1; Cohen, 1990; e- Finn & Lee, 1987; Maguire, 1991; Newburn, 1993; U.S. Department of Justice, 1994; and Voss, 1991). Due to the nature and the length of the interviews, each interview was tape- recorded and later transcribed. Content analysis of the data resulted in the identification of over 500 variables. All of the variables included in the analysis achieved an inter-rater reliability level of 87% or better. Characteristics of Stalkers Stalkers were, on average, slightly younger than the victims in the sample ( ~ 3 1.2 years, s.d.=8.9, median=30), ranging in age from 17 through 57. Fifty-seven percent of the stalkers were nonhispanic white, 37% were Afiican American, and 6.5% were other racial minorities. Of the 100 stalkers whose education was specified by the victims, 77% had completed at least high school, and 45% had completed at least some college, though e their educational backgrounds ranged from some elementary school through completion of a doctoral program. Sixty-nine percent of the stalkers were employed; 62% in blue- collar positions and 37% holding white-collar positions. According to the interview respondents, 61.7% of the stalkers had some type of prior criminal record. Of those who were able to specify the type of prior record, 31% indicated a prior record for violent offenses. Compounding this propensity for violence is the high rate of reported drug and alcohol abuse among stalkers. According to the victims, 72% of the stalkers abused either drugs or alcohol. (See Table 2.) Notably, 65% of the women in the sample reported physical abuse during their prior relationship with a 6 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. the stalker. Sixty-six percent of these women identified drug and/or alcohol use as a trigger of that violence. Victim-Stalker Prior Relationship 0 . The prior relationship between victim and stalker varied: 37% were married, 25% were living together but not married, 24% were seriously dating or engaged, and 15% were dating only casually. Seventy-five percent reported that the stalker began his controlling behavior during their prior relationship. As highlighted above, nearly two- thirds of the women suffered domestic violence during their prior relationship with the stalker. Characteristics of the Stalking The length of the stalkmg period ranged from 1 month through 456 months, with a median of 12 months. Generally, the perceived motivation for the stalking was reconciliation or revenge. (See Table 3 .) Seventy-five percent of the women perceived reconciliation as the stalkers’ motivation, and 45% indicated that revenge was the motive. (Women were able to identify more than one motivation.) a The most common stalking behaviors reported by the victims were phone calls (90.4%), watching (78.6%), and following (68.4%). (See Table 4.) Over half the respondents reported that they received phone calls at least daily from their stalkers. When asked whether they noticed any triggers of the various stalking behaviors, one- third of the women stated that the break-up itself was the trigger and 26.7% mentioned drug or alcohol abuse. Threats and Violence Seventy-three percent of the women reported threats of violence made by their stalkers against them, and 37 percent mentioned threats of violence towards family, a 7 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. fiends, coworkers, or other affiliates. (See Table 8.) Forty-six percent of the victims reported that their stalkers had committed violence against them during the stalking. (See Table 33.) Those who received explicit threats were also more likely than those who received implicit threats or no threats, to have experienced violence at the hands of their stalkers (65.7% versus 23.9%, respectively). (See Table 9.) a - Comparisons between victims of nonhispanic white and M c a n American stalkers reveal that victims of African American stalkers were more likely to have experienced threats of violence and actual violence during the s’talking. (See Tables 15 and 16.) Data also indicate that stalkers with higher levels of education were less likely to be violent and less likely to make explicit threats, while implicit threats did not vary as greatly by stalkers’ education. (See Tables 20 and 21 .) Victims’ Attempts to Discourage Stalker Most of the victims tried various extralegal approaches to discourage their stalkers. Reasoning with the stalker (69.5%), ignoring the stalker (42.8%), moving to a different residence (33.2%), and changing telephone numbershlocking calls fiom the stalker (31.6%) were the most common. (See Table 24.) The majority of women reported that each of these attempts was unsuccessfkl in discouraging the stalker. The most common legal attempts to discourage the stalker included police contact (71.7%), protection fiom abuse orders (51.3%), and arrest (27.8%). As with the extralegal attempts to discourage the stalker, the victims expressed that the majority of these legal attempts to discourage the stalker had either no effect or made the stalkers’ behavior worse. (See Tables 25 and 26.) 8 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Victims’ Needs Interview respondents were asked to identify their greatest need as a result of 0 - being stalked. Psychological/emotional support was the greatest need of 38% of the women. Twenty-three percent mentioned that they needed a sense of security, and 10% stated that their greatest need was criminal justice system support. (See Table 29.) Typically, victims sought assistance from their fiends (68%) and family (54%), and they reported that their fiends (37%), family (21.7%), or themselves (25%) were responsible for having met their needs during the stalking. (See Tables 27 and 30.) Police Responsiveness Victims were asked several questions pertaining to police responsiveness to their situation during the staking period. Responses varied greatly from one jurisdiction to the next and from one victim to another. Overall, the victims gave t,he highest ratings to the police for “speed of police response” and “politeness,” and the poorest ratings for “sympathy” and “how well the police lived up to victim’s expectations.” (See Table 3 1 .) Effects of Stalking on Victims 0 Victims reported a variety of psychological, physical, financial, and quality of life effects of the stalking. Victims’ immediate emotional reactions upon learning that they were stalked included “fear/terror” (57.2%), anger (23.5%), and insomnia (12.8%). The 33-item Trauma Symptom Checklist (Briere & Runtz, 1989) was administered to the victims, and they indicated the frequency with which they experienced each symptom during the stalking (never, occasionally, fairly often, and very often). The symptoms with highest mean scores for the sample were sadness, insomnia, restless sleep, and tension. (See Table 32.) e 9 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Forty six percent of the women experienced violence at the hands of their stalkers. Eighty-one percent of these women suffered physical injuries ranging from small scrapes to gun shot wounds. The most prevalent injuries were bruises (27.3% of the total sample), small scrapes and cuts (18.2%), and black eyes (12.3%). (See Table 33.) a - Eighty percent of the victims incurred financial costs ranging from nominal costs to costs exceeding $100,000 (median =$1,000). Twenty-seven percent of the women incurred moving expenses as a result of trying to evade their stalkers. Twenty-eight percent changed their telephone number. Twenty-nine percent reported losing salary or tuition as a result of the stalking. Damage to victims’ cars (20%) and other property damage (22%) were also experienced by some of the victims. Twenty percent spent money changing locks or adding deadbolts for added security. (See Tables 34 through 36.) Almost all victims (99%) reported reductions in the qu(a1ity of their lives as a e result of the stalking. Eighty percent reported a high level of fear, 94% were constantly wary, 64% reported changes in activity patterns. (See Tables 37 and 38.) Stalking compared to Other Victimizations Thirty-eight percent of the stalking victims reported having been victims of another crime in their adult lives. When asked to compare the harm of the stalking and the other crime, most women (75%) reported that the stalking was more harmfUl than the other crime regardless of whether the other crime was a misdemeanor (85.3% stating stalking was more h d l ) , a felony (64.9%), a property offense (83.8%), or a violent offense (64.7%). (See Tables 39 and 40.) 10 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The research findings above shed light on some aspects of stalking behaviors and victims’ experiences and needs. Based on the interviews with 187 female victims of former intimate stalking, we can conclude that stalking is a serious offense that can have a great impact on victims’ lives. It is apparent that these women are suffering first as a result of their attempts to leave their partners, and then as a consequence of the relatively scarce and/or ineffective assistance in discouraging the stalker aind meeting the victims’ needs. The stalkers described by the victims employ a great variety of tactics in the commission of the offense, and many of the perpetrators reportedly have drug and/or alcohol problems. A large percentage of women in the sample experienced verbal threats and/or violence at the hands of their stalkers, intensifying the seriousness of the crime. Policy recommendations The following are policy recommendations for law enforcement agencies, courts, e legislatures, and victim service agencies based upon the research findings discussed above. 0 Treatment of stalkers by the police, courts, and correctional agencies, whether that treatment entails deterrence or rehabilitative approaches, should reflect the seriousness of the behavior. When appropriate, this treatment should address drug and alcohol abuse among former intimate stalkers. Law enforcement and other justice system agency personnel should be trained to better understand the plight of stalking victims in order to avoid “re-victimizing” them by failing to (1) demonstrate appropriate empathy, (2) implement the provision 11 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. of current anti-stalking statutes, and (3) make referrals to other agencies that can assist victims. Legislatures should review current anti-stalking legislatiori and make appropriate changes that would increase the effectiveness and enforceability of these laws. Legislative review should be implemented, shifting the focus of criminal intent in stalking statutes from the stalker’s intention to inflict emotional or physical harm to the stalker’s intention to commit acts which, in turn, inflict emotional or physical harm. The process by which victims obtain restraining orders and protection &om abuse orders needs to be streamlined. Present criteria for obtaining restraining orders and protection from abuse orders should be reviewed. Alternatives should be made available to women who are unable to obtain protection orders due to current criteria. Mechanisms should be provided to assist victims of stalking who have not been victims of intimate violence. Alternatives to mechanisms available to physically battered women @.e. Protection from Abuse orders) should be in place in every jurisdiction. Victims of former intimate stalking should, at a minimum, be treated as well as victims of stranger stalking. The same degree of seriousness should be attributed to former intimate stalking as is attributed to a situation where a victim is stalked by a stranger. Education should be provided to increase awareness among legislators, victim service professionals, and criminal justice practitioners of the serious effects of stalking on its victims and the importance of treating stalking offenses more seriously. Workshops 0 0 0 0 12 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. and training courses should be offered to the police, district attorneys, judges, and victim counselors in order for them to be more sensitive to the unique needs of stalking victims. Training and education of criminal justice professionals regarding the anti-stalking legislation in their ,own jurisdiction as well as the Interstate Stalking Punishment and Prevention Act of 1996 (18 U.S.C.$2261) should be conducted so that these laws can be enforced more effectively and the intended protections can be afforded to stalking victims. Funding opportunities should be provided to develop innovative programs to better coordinate police, court, and victim service agencies in their handling of stalking cases. Greater resources should be provided to victims of stalking, including education, information and guidance, counseling, and support groups. Siupport groups should be developed not only for stalking victims who were formerly abused by their partners, but also for stalking victims who have not been victims of domestic abuse. .- 0 0 0 e Future research recommendations The following are several suggestions for hture research that should result in an even greater understanding of the offense of stalking and victims’ experiences. 0 Additional research should include data collected fiom the stalkers themselves to better understand the nature of stalking. Based on the large number of victims reporting the abuse of drugs andor alcohol by their stalkers (72%), additional research is needed to hrther investigate the link between substance abuse and stalking behavior. 13 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. 0 Three-quarters of the victims reported that “controlling’’ behavior was present in their prior relationships with their stalkers. Further research to examine the early predictors of later stalking would be helpful. Future research on stalking victims should victims of psychlopathic and erotomanic stalkers to better understand the uniqueness and similarities of their experiences and needs. 0 0 The inclusion of male victims of stalking in research would broaden our understanding of stalking victimization. Ongoing evaluation of the impact (i.e. effectiveness) of state imd federal anti-stalking legislation is necessary to determine whether it effectively and adequately redresses the harmful behavior of stalking. 0 0 Victims revealed that local law enforcement personnel lacked a complete understanding of current anti-stalking legislation. Research is needed to assess the need for education of law enforcement professionals regarding federal and state anti- stalking legislation and enforcement procedures. The experiences of stalking victims in rural areas should be addressed to determine whether their experiences are similar to those of victims in urban and suburban areas, and to determine whether their needs are satisfactorily being met by existing services. 0 14 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. FINAL REPORT INTRODUCTION The problem of stalking has only received widespread recognition during the present decade following the media coverage of a few “high profile” cases involving celebrities such as actresses Teresa Saldana, Rebecca Schaffer, and Jodie Foster, talk- show host David Letterman (see Perez, 1993: 268-270), and most recently, Nicole Simpson, ex-wife of O.J. Simpson. The result of increased public awareness of this type of behavior has resulted in the passage of anti-stalking laws during the past seven years in every state, beginning with California in 1990 (Cal. Penal Code, Section 646.9).4 ANTI-STALKING LEGISLATION Current anti-stalking legislation varies from state to state iii terms of substantive, or legal, definitions as well as the seriousness of the crime (and corresponding sanctions). Several authors have written comprehensive overviews of the content of anti-stalking legislation throughout the United States (e.g. Hunzeker, 1992; Mc Ananey, Curliss, & Abeyta-Price, 1993; Sohn, 1994; Thomas, 1993). While there is no universally accepted definition of stalking, it is generally “associated with pursuit or harassment rather than actual physical harm” (Sohn, 1994: 207). Common elements in stalking statutes are references to “repeated following,” “harassing,” “course of conduc:t,” “harm to victim,” and “credible threat” (Mchaney, 1993 : 894-897; see also National Criminal Justice Association, 1993). a “Course of conduct” refers to behavior that occurs over some period of time (i.e. a series of acts). These acts may be the same or a variety of actions over time included repeated “following, nonconsensual communication, harassing, and trespassing,” or certain other forms of physical contact (Mchaney et al., 11993: 894-895; U.S. e 15 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Department of Justice, 1993: 44). The National Criminal Justice Association (NCJA) has developed a model anti-stalking code in which they define “course of conduct” as “repeatedly [on two or more occasions] maintaining a visual or physical proximity to a person or repeatedly conveying verbal or written threats or threats implied by conduct or a combination thereof directed at or toward a person” (NCJA, 1993: 43). Some statutes specify the intended, while others speciQ the actual, effect that the behavior must have on the victim in order to constitute stalking. This may include the intent to place the person in fear of physical injury or to cause emotional distress (IMcAnaney et al., 1993: 896). Finally, in some states the anti-stalking statutes make reference to “credible threat.” In essence this means that the victim must actually belileve that the stalker has the capacity to carry out a threat (e.g. “that would cause an individual to reasonably fear for [hidher safety or] the safety of another individual” (McAnaney et al., 1993: 896- 897)). In addition to substantive variations in stalking laws, the classification of the crime according to seriousness (and resulting sanctions) also varies fiom state to state. Typically, stalking is classified as a misdemeanor, however several states have provisions in their statutes whereby certain aggravating circumstances can result in the behavior being classified a felony. For example, if a stalker is violating ii temporary restraining order or an order of protection, or if a convicted stalker commits subsequent stalking behavior, the individual can receive a harsher sentence (McAnaiiey et al., 1993: 900- 90 1). 16 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERA‘12TRE Although only a handkl of highly-publicized cases (and the resultant public pressure) appears to have been the impetus for anti-stalking statutes, a recent national survey resulted in estimates that over one million women and 370,000 men each year are victims of stalking (Tjaden, 1997). The researchers also suggest that one in twelve American women will be stalking victims at some point in their lives. These estimates far exceed earlier, more conservative estimates (see e.g. Guy, 1993: 995). Although stalking is estimated to be a widespread problem affecting people of all walks of life, research on stalking and victims of stalking has been scant. Until recently, the research that had addressed the stalking issue has been primarily legal in nature (see e.g. Guy, 1993; Hunzeker, 1992; McAnaney, Curliss, & Abeyta-Price, 1993; National Criminal Justice Association, 1993; Perez, 1993; Soh, 1994; Thomas, 1993). Much of the less common empirical research had focused solely on high-profile cases, or cases involving celebrities and political leaders (see e.g. Dietz, Matthews, Martell, Stewart, Hrouda, & Warren, 1991a; Dietz, Matthews, VanDuyne, Martell, Parry, Stewart, Warren, & Crowder, 1991b; Hoffman, 1943; Sebastiani & Foy, 1965; Shore, Filson, Davis, Olivos, DeLisis, & Wyatt, 1985). Other empirical research has fcmsed on small samples of erotomanic stalkers who have delusions about another individual with whom they are “in love” and who they sometimes believe reciprocates those feelings (see e.g. Doust & Christie, 1978; Ellis & Mellsop, 1985; ElGaddal, 1989; Goldstein, 1986, 1987; Leong, 1994; Segal, 1989; Zona, Sharma, & Lane, 1993). 0 Related to, and inclusive of some, stalking behaviors is the area of abuse of former and current intimate partners. A great deal of domestic. violence research has a 17 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been conducted, but this body of research does not usually reflect the distinction between those who have been stalked and those who have not. The exception to this is the literature on temporary restraining orders and orders of protection (see e.g. Finn, 1989, 1991; Finn & Colson, 1990; Harrell, Smith, & Newmark, 1993; ,Schollenberg & Gibbons, 1992). Again, however, this research fails to present a comprehensive picture of stalking experiences because women who obtain restraining orders are not representative of all stalking victims. 0 - Researchers have examined violence and abusive relationships in terms of “the dominance motive” (Rouse, 1990; also see Eastal, 1994); deterrence (e.g. Williams & Hawkins, 1992); risk factors related to family violence (e.g. Sugerman & Hotaling, 1989); and personality characteristics of abusers (e.g. Dutton & Starzomski, 1993; Else et al., 1993). While the body of domestic violence literature may provide some insights into some stalking behaviors, a distinction must be made between domestic violence a involving the abuse of a current sexual partner and violence against former sexual intimates. The latter is more likely to include a stalking component, due to the nature of the relationship between the victim and the offender. Although a person may be violent towards hidher spouse, this does not constitute “stalking” if the victim remains “voluntarily” in the ~ituation.~ Wilson and Daly (1993: 4) discuss this distinction: . , .violent possessiveness and sincere threat entail it risk of lethality, destroying the very object that the husband is concerned to retain. One can.. .assess the magnitude of elevated risk in the aftermath of actual separations, at which time possessive husbands may continue their threats and violence to coerce the woman’s return. (See hlahoney, 1991, who notes that the use of assaults and threats to get estranged wives back has scarcely been remarked in the domestic violence Iilerature, since the residency status of the couple is rarely reported) lptalics added] 18 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. In fact, Finn and Colson (1990: 10) claim that police and hospital records indicate that the majority of domestic violence incidents take place when the victim and abuser are not currently living together. 0 - The only recent, large-scale study conducted that has investigated the incidence and nature of stalking ,victimization was a telephone survey conducted by Patricia Tjaden and Nancy Thoennes of the Center for Policy Research in Denvier (see U.S. Department of Justice, 1997). Their study included victims of current intimate, former intimate, acquaintance, and stranger stalkers. They found that females were more likely to be stalked by current intimates and former intimates than by acquaintances or strangers. Conversely, most male victims reported having been stalked by acquaintances or strangers (U. S. Department of Justice, 1997: 9). While Tjaden and Thoennes considered stalking by current intimates, former intimates, acquaintances, and strangers, the focus of the research described in this report is limited exclusively to -former intimate stalking experiences. a TYPES OF STALKERS Typically, three types of stalkers have been identified in the literature related to stalking: erotomanic, psychopathichociopathic, and former intimate (see e.g. Guy, 1993; McAnaney et al., 1993; Sohn, 1994). Each type is characterized by different motivations and/or different relationships with the victim. Erotomanic Stalkers Erotomanic stalkers are interested in a romantic relationship with their victim, however this type does not include those with whom the victim has had a previous intimate relationship. Numerous researchers have studied erotomanic behavior (e.g. a 19 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. 1989b; Dietz & Martell, 1989; Dietz et al., 199 - 1978; Ellis & Mellsop, 1985; ElGaddal, 1989; a; Dietz et al., 1991 b; Doust & Christie, Goldstein, 1986, 1987; Hoffman, 1943; Leong, 1994; Leong & Silva, 1992; Meloy, 1989; Noone & Cockhill, 1987; Sebastiani & Foy, 1965; Segal, 1989; Shore et al., 1985; Shore et al., 1989; Taylor, Mahendra, & Gunn, 1983; Zona et al., 1993). Two types of erotomanic stalkers are described in this literature: erotomanic and borderline erotomanic. The erotomanic stalker is under the delusional belief that hisher feelings for the victim are reciprocated, when in fact they are not.6 Erotomanics are typically female (only 20-30% male), withdrawn, unmarried individuals who single out "objects" of "greater intelligence, status, looks, authority" (Segal, 1989: 1264). The borderline erotomanic desires to create an intimate relationship with the victim, recognizing that their "love" interest may not be reciprocal. Not every erotomanic, however, becomes a stalker; some are content to fantasize about the object of their affections without harassing the individual. Sometimes, however, "the lives of their delusionary objects may be disrupted for years by harassment and, in extreme cases, by violence" (Segal, 1989: 1265). When attempted or actual contact is made and continued, though discouraged by the object of the delusions, the erotomanic individual could be classified as a stalker. The contact may be made through various means, including sending letters and gifts, making telephone calls, and/or following the victim or conducting surveillance. SociopathicRsychopathic Stalkers The sociopathic stalker is not motivated by relationships (real or imagined). Examples of sociopathic stalkers would be serial murderers and serial rapists. 20 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Sociopathic stalkers “seek individuals that fit their assault criteria - they first formulate the characteristics of the ‘ideal victim’ and then seek an ‘acceptable example’ to fit the criteria” (McAnaney et al., 1993: 842). These types of stalkers are not suffering from delusions, nor have they had prior intimate relationships with their victims. Former Intimate Stalkers Former intimate stalkers are those who have had a relationship with the victim at some point in time. While the domestic violence literature has dealt with a combination of current and former intimates, only the former intimate can possibly be included in the stalking domain. By definition, a “current intimate” presumes a consensual and ongoing relationship (e.g. cohabiting, dating, etc.). Stalking presumes “nonconsensual” communication or contact which is not possible to establish in situations of current intimates because implicit in the relationship is consent of contact. Offensive behavior involved in current intimate relationships, however, may violate other laws (e.g. domestic abuse). The focus of this research, then, is on former intimate stalking victims. According to McAnaney et al. (1993: 839-840), former intimates “are intensely emotionally dependent on their partner” and “may be jealous of real or imagined infidelities and exhibit a need to control their former partner.” a Typically, former intimate stalkers are seeking revenge or reconciliation through stalking. Some former intimates may seek revenge while others seek reconciliation, and some former intimate stalkers fluctuate between desiring reconciliation and revenge, while still others begin with a desire for reconciliation but later become motivated by revenge (i.e. if the victim fbrther rejects the stalker). 21 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. As mentioned earlier, though the existing domestic violence literature is valuable, the temporary restraining order and order of protection literature is most closely related to the stalking issue. Those former intimates who require civil action to keep them away are the most likely to fit the description of the stalker. It is commonly believed that the “former intimate” is the most prevalent type of stalking relationship (e.g. Thomas, 1993: 126) and it has been stated that nearly all (possibly 90%) men who kill their wives, girlfriends, or former intimates, stalked them first (Sohn, 1994: 205). 0 - STALKING VICTIMS In addition to the various categories of stalking offenders, there also exist several “types” of stalking victims. Media figures are popular viclims of some stalkers. Celebrities are susceptible to all three types of stalkers, but are especially vulnerable to erotomanic stalkers. The erotomanic stalker may become so fascinated with the celebrity that he or she may harass the victim by mail, phone, and/or iin person. In addition, celebrities and politicians are easily accessible by sociopathic stalkers. Finally, former intimate stalkers are probably just as likely to stalk a famous person with whom they have had a relationship as they are to stalk an “ordinary” ex-spouse, boyfhend, or girlfriend. e Although the media often focuses on celebrities who are stalked, victims of stalking are, more often than not, “ordinary people” (Perez, 1990: 276). Like the celebrity victims, these victims can be the targets of former intimate, erotomanic, or sociopathic stalkers. “Ordinary people” are especially susceptible, however, to those with whom they have had intimate relationships. As stated earlier, it is believed that this 22 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. e - is the most common type of stalking situation (Thomas, 1993: 126). The focus of this study is on the experiences of this group - non-celebrity, former intimate stalking victims. PROJECT DESCRIPTION Purpose of the Study The purpose of this research study was to explore the nature of the stalking experiences of non-celebrity, former intimate victims, or “ordinary people.” Victim interviews provided the researcher with data on the nature of the stalking, the relationship between the victim and the stalker, the victim’s response to the stalking, the consequences of the stalking for the victim, and the needs of stalking victims and fulfillment of those needs in terms of victim services and the criminal justice system. Research Approach Sample The sample for the study consisted of 187 women who were recent (i.e. during the previous five years) former intimate stalking victims in Chester, Delaware, Bucks, Lehigh, Philadelphia, Dauphin, and Montgomery Counties in south-eastem Pennsylvania. Participants were identified through victim service agencies and law enforcement agencies, as well as through advertisements in widely distributed area newspapers (e.g. Philadelphia Inquirer, etc.).’ Counties were selected based on efficiency in terms of the shortest travel distances for the researcher and fellow interviewer as well as the potential of the population of the counties to provide large numbers of subjects with varying demographic characteristics. In addition, fliers were posted in laundromats, supermarkets, and an international women’s symposium in Philadelphia. e 23 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. This sampling size and approach was intended to recruit a diverse group of research participants in terms of socio-economic status, educiation, race, and type of e - geographic area. While this was clearly a sample of convenience (and caution is recommended in generalizing beyond the group studied), the research was exploratory in nature with the purpose of identifying patterns and common clnaracteristics among the victims' experiences. It is expected that hture researchers will use the data provided herein to guide them in more rigorous research on more representative samples of stalking victims. Legislative Model The general concepts contained in the Pennsylvania stalking statute (PA Code Section 18: 2709 (rev. 1994)) were used as the framework upon which this research was based. Pursuant to this statute: A person commits the crime of stalking when he engages in a a course of conduct or repeatedly commits acts toward another person, including following the person without proper authority, under circumstances which demonstrate either of the following: (1) an intent to place the person in reasonable fear of bodily injury; (2) an intent to cause substantial emotional (distress to the person. or PA Code Section 18: 2709 (rev. 1994) When women called to inquire about participation in the study, they were screened to insure that they met two criteria for inclusion in the sample. First, they must have been repeatedly harassed, followed, and/or threatened during the past five years by someone with whom they had had an intimate relationship (i.e. through marriage, cohabiting, or dating).' Second, the women must have either experienced emotional distress, fear of bodily harm, actual bodily harm, or the belief that the stalker intended to cause one or more of the above. It is important to note that, unlike: the legal definition of 8 24 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. stalking presented above, actual intent to cause fear of bodily harm or to cause substantial emotional distress was not a criteria in this research study. Data Collection Extensive (1 to 3 hour) semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted with each woman in order to gather information about the nature of her former relationship with her stalker, characteristics of the stalking experience, the effects of the stalking, and her resultant needs. This data collection approach was selected due to the exploratory nature of this research and the limited knowledge base in the area of stalking victimization. A brief questionnaire was also administered to obtain demographic information about the women. Data were collected from January 1996 through July 1997. The interview consisted of both open-ended and fixed alternative questions. Respondents were able to elaborate following every question. The interview began by requesting the woman to describe what happened to her in terms of her stalking victimization. Responses to this question lasted anywhere from 5 minutes to two hours. Following this question, the respondent was asked a series of follow-up questions which explored five different areas or domains: (1) her prior relationship with the stalker; (2) the characteristics of the stalking; (3) her attempts to discourage the stalker (through both legal and extralegal mechanisms); (4) assistance sought by the victim through formal and informal networks (and the subsequent handling of the situation by others); (5) the effects of the stalking on the victim; and (6) other victimization experiences. Several of the areas and/or specific questions were based on a review of the sc;arce stalking literature (Dietz, 1989% 1989b; Dietz & Martell, 1989; Dietz et al, 1991a, 1991b) as well as the e 0 25 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. general victimization literature (e.g. Abt, 1982; Baurman & Schadler, 1991; Cohen, 1990; Finn & Lee, 1987; Maguire, 1991; Newburn, 1993; U.S. Department of Justice, 1994; and Voss, 1991). e - Due to the nature and the length of the interviews, e<ach interview was tape- recorded and later transcribed. Although the purpose of the interviews was to identify general common themes and patterns, content analysis of the interview transcripts did result in the identification of over 500 variables. However, because of the semi- structured approach taken in conducting the interviews, not all respondents provided data pertaining to every variable. Data analysis, therefore, was limited to bivariate statistics since the feasibility of multivariate analyses would be limited by missing values. All of the variables included in the analyses achieved an inter-rater reliability level of 87% or better. Victim (Sample) Characteristics The ages of the women in the sample ranged fiom 18 through 74 ( ~ 3 4 . 5 , s.d.=9.3, median=34). Their reported ages at the time the stalking began ranged from 15 through 58 ( ~ 3 0 . 5 , s.d.=8.8, median=29). The majority of the women in the sample were nonhispanic white (74.5%). Fewer (23.4%) were Afiican American, and only two percent were Asian or Hispanic. The victims’ educational backgrounds ranged from some elementary school through completion of a doctoral program. Ninety percent had completed at least high school and 69% had completed at least some college. Seventy percent of the women worked outside the home, and annual household incomes ranged fiom none through $130,000 (x=$3 1,115, s.d.=$26,725, median=$24,000). Most of the respondents resided in suburban areas (74.3%), some in urban areas (23.5%), and very 26 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. few in rural areas (2.2%). Most (82.2%) of the women in the sample had had only one stalking experience in their pasts. Those who had more than one experience were asked 0 . to answer the interview questions based on their most recent stalking experience. Stalker Characteristics Victims reported that their stalkers were between 17 and 57 years of age when the stalking began (x=31.2, s.d.=8.9, median=30). Over half (57%) of the stalkers were nonhispanic white, 37% were M c a n American, and 6.5% were: other racial minorities. Only 100 of the stalkers’ educational levels could be specified b:y the victims. Seventy- seven percent of the stalkers reportedly had completed high school, and 45% had completed at least some college. Sixty-nine percent of the stalkers were employed according to their victims. Of these, 62% had blue-collar jobs while 38% were employed in white-collar positions. Twenty-three percent were unemployed and 5% were in prison. According to the respondents, 61.7% of the stalkers had some type of prior 0 criminal record. Of those who were able to specifjr the type! of prior record, 31% indicated a prior record for violent offenses. In addition, several of the respondents mentioned that the stalker had stalked other former intimates in the past. One-hundred- five respondents indicated whether or not their stalkers had stalked another former intimate. Of these respondents, 48.5% stated that their stalkers had stalked at least one other former intimate in the past. 27 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. RESEARCH FINDINGS’ GENERAL Stalker-Victim Prior Relationship The women in the sample had various types of former relationships with their stalkers, although all relationships were heterosexual. Thirty-seven percent of the women had been married to their stalkers, 25% had been living with, biut were not married to, their stalkers, 24% were either seriously dating or engaged to their stalkers, and 15% had only casually dated their stalkers. The women reported having known their stalkers for between 1 and 456 months prior to the beginning of the stalking ( ~ 9 7 , s.d.=79.6, median=72 months). Seventy-five percent of the women reported that the stalkers began their controlling behavior during their prior relationship. controlling behavior began immediately after separation. Another 17 percent said that Only 3.2% stated that the e controlling behavior did not begin until a while after separation. Typical controlling behaviors included placing limitations on the victims’ participation in social activities, financial control (e.g. victim denied access to checking and savings accounts and credit cards), denial of mobility (e.g. removing access to automobile), and other related constraints. A representative example of this behavior is expressed in the following victim’s account: He’d call and check on me. And I’d be out. He’d come home that night and say, “You were gone all day. Where were you? Were you out spending my money again? What did you buy today? What did you do? Who were you with?’ He don’t trust me. I’m not idlowed to go with my fi-iends out to dinner. I’m not allowed to go out to bars. Nowhere. I sit in this house. This is my job.. .my kids, the house. I mean, he doesn’t even like me to go outside. 28 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Many of the stalking victims (n=122, 65.2%) reported having been physical abused during their prior relationship with their stalker. The most common types of physical abuse suffered at the hands of their former intimates were pushing, slapping, and punching. (See Table 1 'below.) When asked about triggers of violence within the prior relationship, of those vho were able to specify triggers (n=66), two-thirds stated that drug or alcohol abuse were responsible for the violence. Another 10.6% stated that jealousy was the trigger for the violence. One hundred (53.5%) of the women reported having been emotionally or mentally abused during their prior relationship with their stalker Table 1: Types of Violence During Prior Relationship with Stalker Types of Violence F%shing/Shoving Kicking/Stomping Slapping RapdSexual Assault Punching Victim Being Thrown Use of a Weapon Choking Grabbing Objects thrown at Victim FrequencyLPercen tage of Women Reporting Each Type of Violence 48 25.7% 13 7.0 36 19.3 16 8.6 34 18.2 15 8.0 10 5.3 19 10.2 11 5.9 12 6.4 The Role of Children in Stalking Situations The majority (57.2%) of the victims had not had children with their stalkers, although 20.9% had one child with their stalkers, and 21.9% shared two or more children with their stalkers. Of those who had children with their stalkeas, most stated that the stalker had at least some contact with the children, thus increasing the contact between stalker and victim. There are children involved here so there will alwqys be that connection between this person and me. In order for the children to have access to 29 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. both of us, they live with me, they have visitation with him. In order for that to take place, he has to come to the house to pick them up. Thirty-three percent of the women reported that the stalker tried to use the children to get the victim back. Most often, victims reported that the stalker would negatively discuss the victim with the children (20.7% of those who had children). Other victims reported that the stalkers would try to get custody of the children (12.6%) or withdraw child support (9.2%) in order to “get to” the victim. Only a handful (6.9%) reported that the stalker threatened the children or harassedfollowed the children (2.3%). Stalker Drug/Alcohol Abuse Seventy-two percent of the victims reported that their stalkers abused drugs, alcohol, or both. (See Table 2.) Sixty percent of the respondents reported that their stalkers abused alcohol, and over a quarter (25.7%) stated that their stalkers drank daily. He drinks, and when he drinks, he gets abusive, and that’s the way everything starts up. It was a nice month because he was in jail for a DUI for 30 days. The next time, he got a third IpUr] after pounding at my door. They pulled him over [trying to drive away] and he’ll be in for a year for that one. So it’ll be a peaceful year. a Over half of the women also reported illegal drug abuse by their stalkers (54.9%), with crack or cocaine the drugs of choice. He was always using drugs. I don’t know what he was like as a normal person. I didn’t know him like that. I know him as being under the influence of alcohol and drugs. I couldn’t tell you what he would be like as a normal person. 30 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. e. Table 2: Stalkers’ Abuse of Drugs and/or Alcohol Alcohol Abuse Yes No Total Drug Abuse Yes No Total 75 (42.9%) 30 (17,1?h) 105 (60.0%) 21 (12.0%) 49 (28.0?6) 70 (40.0%) 96 (54.9%) 79 (45.1%) 175 (100%) Characteristics of Stalking The characteristics of stalking are grouped here into fcur basic areas: length, motives, conduct, and triggers of stalking behaviors. Of particular interest is the occurrence of threats and violence during the stalking experiences. Accordingly, these behaviors are addressed separately below. Duration of Stalking The length of the stalking varied greatly from just one month through 456 months ( ~ 2 8 months, s.d.=50.2, median=12 months). While the length does not necessarily affect the intensity of the stalking experience, it is worthy of mention that half of the victims had their lives actively disrupted by their stalkers for a period of one year or more. Perceived Motivations of Stalkers Victims were asked to identify their former intimates’ motives for stalking them. (See Table 3.) Many women gave multiple responses. The most frequently perceived reasons for the stalking were: reconciliation (74.9%); revenge: (44.9%); possession/ control (26.9%); jealousy (14.4%); and intimidation (6.6%). Often, women would say 31 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. that the men fluctuated back and forth between reconciliation and revenge, or that they started out wanting reconciliation but it later changed to revenge. Absolutely reconciliation at the very beginning, I could tell he wanted reconciliation. He was trying to get me to go back out with him. And he became very angry when I went and filed for divorce. But he just said, “As long as you’re my wife, I have every right to (30 whatever I want to YOU.” So, I said, “Fine! Let’s get a divorce.” And then he really flipped out. M e r that it was clearly revenge. Similarly, another woman said: He did it to get me back, and then when he saw that he couldn’t get me back, it was just a ploy to make my life miserable. Table 3: Respondents’ Perceived Reasons for Stalking by Former Intimates Reason Reconciliation Revenge Possession/Control Jealousy Intimidation To see children Mental illness Frequency 125 75 45 24 11 6 4 Percentage 74.9 44.9 26.9 14.4 6.6 3.6 2.4 The finding that reconciliation was the most common motivation for the stalking coincides with others’ domestic violence research findings. For e:xample, in his study of 100 women who applied for restraining orders against intimatesl and former intimates, James Ptacek (1997) found that nearly half of the women specified some type of “separation assault” in their affidavits for obtaining the orders. In these cases, the men reportedly battered the women in order to force them to remain in or return to the relationship with the batterer. Or, if this failed, the battering was used as revenge against the women for leaving. 32 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Stalking Behavior I went to my grandmom’s and lived with her for awhile. He would be parked outside of her house, and be calling me up at work and threatening to kill me. “You can’t leave me. I won’t let you leave me. I’ll kill you.” And then I got my own apartment and the same thing - he’d be parked outside or follow me around. One time my friend and I were on our way to my mother’s house and he was trying to run me off the road. I had to finally get a restraining order. Table 4 below depicts the most common stalking behaviors according to this sample of 187 women. Telephone calls were, by far, the most typical behavior involved in the stalking situations. Not only was it the most prevalent behavior, but it was the most fiequent behavior as well. Over half of the respondents indicated that they had received phone calls at least daily from their stalkers. Table 4: Number of Women Reporting Various Stalking Behaviors Stalking Behavior Phone calls Letters Gifts Following Driving/Walking by house Watching Sabotaging employment Trespassing Breaking into housekar Property damage Stealing Victim’s Property Involving other members Involving victim’s friends of victim’s family Number of women reporting behavior 169 111 71 128 101 147 63 100 67 82 46 106 108 ~ Percentage of women 90.4% - reporting behavior 59.4% 38.0% 68.4% 54.0% 78.6% 33.7% 53.5% 35.8% 43.9% 24.6% 56.7% 57.8% Victims were asked to describe the content of the letten and telephone calls. (Many victims also brought the actual letters to the interview.) The responses of the 101 victims who described the content of the letters they received from their stalkers are a 33 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. presented in Table 5 . Most of the letters received were amorous in nature, according to the victims. Stalkers were less likely to put threatening or angry content in the letters. The content of telephone calls, however, was distinctly different fiom that of the letters. (See Table 6.) Stalkers were much more likely to make verbal threats than written ones. Table 5: Content of Letters Sent by Stalkers to Their Former Intimate Victims Type of Content Type of Content Number of women reporting type of content (n=158) Plercentage of women reporting type of content Amorous Threatening Delusional accusations Friendly (but not Amorous) Apologetic Blank Angry Amorous Threatening Angry Delusional accusations Friendly (but not Apologetic Hang-ups €heck-up calls amorous) Number of women reporting type of content (n=101) 78 28 12 6 75 47.5% 106 67.1% 50 38.0% 20 12.7% 6 3.8% 5 3.2% 50 31.6% 11 7.0% 7 6 4 ~ Percentage of women reporting type of content - 77.2% 27.7% 11.9% 5.9% 6.9% 5.9% 4.0% Table 6: Content of Phone Calls by Stalkers to Their Former Intimate Victims Many of the behaviors involved in stalking are seeminghi mild, however, when taken together, they create a situation where the victim’s life is greatly affected, as articulated by the following victim: 34 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Just because a woman is not punched in the face does not mean that she’s not being stalked or murdered or anything else, but there are lots of other ways you can tell. If there’s consistent behavior, you know, if there’s a pattern of unusual events, and that’s basically whist stalking is. It’s a lot of isolated events culminated into something that rnakes sense. Because if you look at the isolated incidents, I mean if you just looked at the cough medicine incident, where this guy knew what I had bought at the store, you would think, “Yeah, so what?, But then, as my friend said, “If you look at every single incident throughout the five months that occurred, you see a clear pattern.” And that’s what the criminal justice people don’t understand. They don’t know anything about that. Triggers of Stalking Behaviors Women were asked whether they noticed any triggers to the stalking types of behaviors (e.g. phone calls, letters, following, violence, etc.). Ninety-four of the women mentioned specific triggers that they believed led to the stalking behavior. One woman, who was separated from her husband stated: At different times over a period of a few years, if I was to date someone or if I was to pursue child support, I would suddenly start getting a lot of threats. I would come out of work and my windows would be smashed or my tires would be slashed. My son was kidnapped once for four days. At that point I went and got emergency custody, and then T got permanent custody, so it lasted a while. The most commonly perceived triggers of stalking behaviors ale presented in Table 7 below. A third of the all triggers mentioned were directly related to the break-up or termination of the intimate relationship. Over a quarter of the perceived triggers were related to drug and/or alcohol abuse. General jealousy and the victim acquiring a new boyfriend accounted for 16% and 11% of the triggers, respectively. Almost nine percent of the triggers were scheduled court appearances. Victims mentioned that the stalker would try to intimidate them into dropping charges or failing to appear in court. 35 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 7: Victims’ Perceptions of Triggers of Stalking Perceived Trigger of Stalking Break-up Drug/alcohol abuse Jealousy (general) Victim has new boyfriend Court hearings coming up (PFA, child Victim had a baby support, criminal) Total Frequency of Women Reporting Trigger 35 (33.3%) 28 (26.7) 17 (16.2) 12 (11.4) 9 ( 8.6) 4 ( 3.8) 105 (100.0) RESEARCH FINDINGS THREATS AND VIOLENCE DURING STALKING Threats during Stalking Many of the victims reported threats made by their stalkers. Table 8 below indicates the number of women who experienced each type of threat. Where available, data are included regarding whether the threat was direct or explicit (e.g. “I’m going to kill you.”) or implied (e.g. “You’d better start looking for a new job.”). The most common threats were threats of violence towards the victim (72.7%), followed by threats of violence towards those affiliated with the victim (37.4%) such as victims’ family, friends, and coworkers. The number of direct threats of violence far exceeded the number of implied threats. e 36 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 8: Types of Threats Made During the Stalking Types of Threats Frequency Percentage of women i Threats of violence towards victim Threats of violence towards victims’ affiliates Threats to take children away Threats to sabotage job Sexual threats Threats to kill self and victim 37 reporting this type of threat 136 (99 direct, 37 72.7% implied) implied) with children) children) 70 (62 direct, 8 37.4 3 1 (of 85 women 16.6 (36.5% of those with 10 5.3 4 (3 direct, 1 2.1 implied) 33 17.6 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Threats and Violence during Stalking Actual Violence Women who were explicitly threatened with physical violence were significantly Threats of Violence more likely to have experienced physical violence during the stalking than women in Yes situations where there were implicit or no threats made by their stalkers. (See Table 9 below.) Almost two-thirds of those who reported explicit threats of physical violence Explicit Implicit 65 (65.7%) 9 (24.3%) 12 also suffered physical violence, whereas less than a quarter of tholse who reported implicit or no threats suffered physical violence. This merely demonstrates that a correlation exists. However, it does not necessarily indicate a causal relatiomhip. The stalkers who both made explicit threats and were physically violent did not necessarily carry out the specific threats of violence indicated in the threats. Table 9: Actual Violence by Threats of Violence 34 (34.3%) 28 (75.7%) 39 ('76.5%) 101 (54.0??) 99 (100%) 37 (100%) 51 No Total X2=32.77, de2, p<.OOOOl Physical Violence Before and/or During Stalking As indicated in Table 10 below, in about a third of the situaiions where there was no before-stalking physical violence, stalkers were violent during t.he stalking period, while just over half of the women who suffered before-stalking violence also suffered violence during the stalking. 38 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Violence during Stalking No YeS Total Age, Threats, and Violence Before-Stalking Violence No Yes Total 44 (67.7%) 57 (46.7%) 101 (54.0%) 21 (32.3%) 65 (53.3%) 86 (46.0%) 65 (100%) 122 (1 OO??) 187 (100%) Threats and violence during the prior intimate relationship did not vary greatly by Physical Violence During Stalking No Yes Total victim’s age. Violence during the stalking, however, was reporte:d most often by victims Victim’s Age < 20 years 21-30 3 1-40 41 or older* Total 17 (68.0%) 34 (49.3%) 26 (50.0%) 1’7‘ (70.8%) 94 (55.3%) 8 (32.0%) 35 (50.7%) 26 (50.0%) 7 (29.2%) 76 (44.7%) 25 (1 00%) 69 (1 00%) 52 (1 00%) 24 (100%) 170 (1 00%) who were over forty when the stalking began. (See Tabie 1’1 below.) In addition, stalkers who were in their thirties were more likely than any other age group to have been violent during their prior relationship with the victim. (See Table 12 below.) I L X2=5.58, df-3, p=.134 *Age groups “41-50” and “5 1 and older” were combined due to the small number in the “5 1 and older” group (n=3). 39 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 12: Physical Violence Before Stalking by Stalker’s Age Physical Violence Before Stalking No Yes Total 7 (41.2%) 22 (44.0%) 7 (15.9%) 6 (30.0?/0) 10 (58.8%) 28 (56.0%) 37 (84.1%) 14 (70.0%) 17 (100%) 50 (100%) 44 (100%) 20 (100%) Stalker’s Age < 20 years 21-30 31-40 41 or older* Total 42 (32.1%) 89 (67.9%) 31 (100%) X2=9.23 , df-3 , pz.026 *Age groups “41-50” and “51 and older” were combined due to the small number in the “5 1 and older” group (n=3). Race, Threats, and Violence Because 96.8% of the victims were nonhispanic white or &can American, comparisons based on race were limited to these two groups. Although most women (72.6%) reported having been threatened by their stalkers, nonhispanic white victims were less likely to experience threats than were Afiican American women. Similarly nonhispanic white victims were less likely to suffer violence at the hands of their stalkers than were African American victims (42% and 58%, respectively, experienced violence). Since most women shared the same race as their stalkers, similar findings resulted when comparisons were made between stalkers of each race. &can American stalkers were more likely to make threats and commit physical violence during the stalking than were nonhispanic white stalkers. (See Tables 13 through 16 below.) @ 40 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 13: Threats of Physical Violence by Victim’s Race Threats of Physical Violence None Implied only Victim’s Race Nonhispanic white African American Total 42 (30.4%) 8 (18.6%) 50 (27.6%) 28 (20.3%) 8 (18.6%) 36 (19.9%) Explicit threats Total 68 (49.3%) 27 (62.8%) 95 (52.5%) 138 (100%) 43 (loo(%) 181 (100%) 1 Xz=2.85, df-2, p=.241 Table 14: Physical Violence During Stalking by Victim’s Race Physical Violence During Stalking No Yes Total Victim’s Race NonhisDanic White African American Total 80 (58.0%) 18 (41.9%) 98 (54.1%) 58 (42.0%) 25 (58.1%) 83 (45.9%) 138 (100%) 43 (100%) 181 (100%) X’=3.43, del, p=.064 41 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 15: Threats of Physical Violence by Stalk.er’s Race I Threats of Physical Violence None Implied only Explicit threats Total X”6.87, d62, p=.032 Stalker’s Race Nonhispanic white African American Total 20 (28.2%) 8 (17.4%) 28 (23.9%) 19 (26.8%) 6 (13.0%) 25 (21.4%) 32 (45.1%) 32 (69.6’%) 64 (54.7%) 71 (lO0.10/,) 46 (1 00%) 117 (100%) Table 16: Physical Violence During Stalking by Stalker’s Race Physical Violence During Stalking No Yes Total X2=2.79, del, pz.095 Stalker’s Race Nonhispanic White African American Total 39 (54.9%) 18 (39.1%) 57 (48.7%) 32 (45.1%) 28 (60.9%) 60 (5 1.3%) 71 (100%) 46 (100%) 117 (100%) Education, Threats, and Violence The greater the victims’ education, the less prevalent before-stalking and during- stalking violence. (See Tables 17 and 18 below.) Interestingly, however, threats of violence did not vary by victims’ education. Tables 19, 20, and 21 below present data regarding the stalker’s education, threats, and violence. The patterns in the table depicting violence before and during stalking (Tables 19 and 20) are similar to the 42 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. patterns found in the corresponding tables that included the victim’s education. One other pattern worth noting is that, the greater the stalker’s level of education, the less likely the stalker was to make explicit threats (Table 21). Implicit threats, however, did not vary greatly by stalker’s education. Table 17: Physical Violence Before Stalking by Victim’s Education ~ Physical Violence During Stalking No Yes ~ Victim’s Education < high school Completed Some B.A./B.S diploma high school college or more Total 4 (21.1%) 11 (28.2%) 21 (31.3%) 28 (46.7%) 64 (34.6%) 15 (78.9%) 28 (71.8%) 46 (68.7%) 312 (53.3%) 121 (65.4%) Total 19 (100%) 39 (100%) 67 (100%) 60 (100%) 185 (100%) X2=6.42, de3, p=.093 Table 18: Physical Violence During Stalking by Victim’s Education Victim’s Education Physical Violence < high school Completed ” . : Durin Stalkin di loma hi h school colle e ormore Total No Yes Total 5 (26.3%) 22 (56.4%) 34 (50.7%) 40 (66.7%) 101 (54.6%) 14 (73.7%) 17 (43.6%) 33 (49.3%) 20 (33.3%) 84 (45.4%) 19 (100%) 39 (100%) 67 (100%) 60 (100%) 185 (100%) X2=10.11, de3, p=.018 43 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 19: Stalker’s Education < high school Completed Some B.AJ6.S diploma high school college or more Total 1 ( 4.3%) 12 (37.5%) 10 (41.7%) 112 (57.1%) 35 (35.0%) 22 (95.7%) 20 (62.5%) 14 (58.3%) 9 (42.9%) 65 (65.0%) 23 (1 00%) 32 (1 00%) 24 (1 00%) 60 (1 OPh) 100 (1 00%) Physical Violence Before Stalking . No Physical Violence During Stalking No Yes Total a YeS Stalker’s Education < high school Completed Some B.A./B.S diploma high school college or more Total 8 (34.8%) 16 (50.0%) 12 (50.0%) 1 4 (66.7%) 50 (50.0%) 15 (65.2%) 16 (50.0%) 12 (50.0%) ’7 (33.3%) 50 (50.0%) 23 (100%) 32 (100%) 24 (100%) 21 (100%) 100 (100%) Total X2=14.58, de3, p= Physical Violence Before Stalking by Stalker’s Education Table 20: Physical Violence During Stalking by Stalker’s Education 44 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 21: Threats of Physical Violence During Stalking by Stdker’s Education 0 . Verbal Threats of Physical Violence During Stalking None Explicit Implicit Total Stalker’s Education < high school Completed Some B.AA3.S , diploma high school college or more Total ~- 4 (17.4%) 6 (18.8%) 5 (20.8%) 110 (47.6%) 25 (25.0%) 15 (65.2%) 18 (56.3%) 14 (58.3%) 6 (28.6%) 53 (53.0%) 4 (17.4%) 8 (25.0%) 5 (20.8%) 5 (23.9%) 22 (22.0%) 23 (100%) 32 (100.1%) 24 (99.9%) 21 (100%) 100 (100%) Xz=9. 10, de6, p=. 168 Income and Violence When viewing the cross-tabulations for victim income anti violence (Table 22), a pattern emerged revealing that those victims with the greatest annual household income (over $40,000) were the least likely to have experienced violence at the hands of their stalkers. This pattern is also apparent in the cross-tabulations for victim income and violence during the prior relationship (i.e. before-stalking violence). The group reporting an annual household income of over $50,000 was the least likel!y group to report that violence occurred during their prior relationships with their stalkers (Table 23). a 45 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Table 22: Physical Violence During Stalking by Victim’s Annual Household Physical Before Stalking Violence No Physical Violence During Stalking No Yes Total X2=6. 43, Victim’s Income $10,001- $20,001- $30,001- $40,00 L- <$10,001 $20,000 $30,000 $40,000 $50,0010 >$50,000 Total 6 (21.4%) 13 (27.7%) 11 (37.9%) 5 (22.7%) 8 (33.3%) 14 (73.7yo) 57 (53.3%) Income Victim’s Income $1 0,OO 1- $20,00 1- $30,001- $40,001- <$10,001 $20,000 S0,OOO $40,000 $50,0100 >$50,000 Total 14 (50.00/,> 20 (42.6Yo) 16 (55.2?40) 11 (50.0%) 15 (62.!i%) 14 (73.7%) 90 (53.3%) 14 (50.00/) 27 (57.40/) 13 (44.8%) 11 (SO.OO/) 9 (37.5%) 5 (26.3%) 79 (46.7Yo) 28 (IOOYo) 47 (100Yo) 29 (1000/) 22 (100%) 24 (100%) 17 (100%) 169 (100%) %, p=.267 Table 23: Physical Violence Before Stalking by Victim’s Annual Household Income Yes 22 (78.6%) 34 (72.3%) 18 (62.1%) 17 (77.3%) 16 (66.7%)) 5 (26.3%)112 (46,7yo) Total 1 28 (100%) 47 (100%) 29 (100%) 22 (100%) 24 (100%) 19 (100%) 169 (100%) X2=17.66, df-5, p=.003 46 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. RESEARCH FINDINGS VICTIMS’ ACTIONS IN RESPONSE TO STALKING Extralegal Attempts to Discourage Stalking Victims reported numerous extralegal attempts that they made to discourage their stalkers. (See Table 24 below.) Most women tried to reason with their stalkers (69.5%), and many tried to simply ignore them (42.8%). Moving and changing one’s phone number/blocking calls fiom the stalker were also fairly common. About 19% pleaded with the stalker, and 13% threatened to call the police in order to discourage the stalker. I had my telephone number changed three times already this month. I want my children to know who their father is, so I would try.. . like when I thought that he would be calm, I tried to give him my number, allow him to have communication with his children because they would ask for him. . . .But then he starts acting like a nut again, I changed my number. Table 24: Victims’ Extralegal Attempts to Discourage Stalking Attempts to Discourage Reasoning with stalker Ignoring stalker Moving Changing telephone numberhlocking calls from stalker Pleading with stalker Threatening to call police Had family/friends talk to stalker Threatened to get stalker in trouble at Argued with stalker work Number and Percentage of Victims Trying This Approach 130 (69.5%) 80 (42.8) 62 (33.2) 59 (31.6) 35 (18.7) 24 (12.8) 8 ( 4.3) 7 ( 3.7) 3 ( 1.6) When asked what effect the attempts to discourage seemed to have on their stalkers, few women reported positive effects. Of 408 reported types of discouragement, victims reported behavior improvements following only 37 (9.1%) of these attempts. All a 47 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. of the attempts reported above had no effect or a negative effect according to the majority of the women in the sample. e . If you’re going to stay in the same location.. .work through the [court] system. But you’d better be prepared to give up your life, because it’s a full-time job, it takes up every penny you have, and you get very little recourse. So you’re putting out 90% of energy and you’re getting back maybe 10%. But it’s all you can do.. . . Attempts to Discourage Stalking through the Legal System Most victims (n=150, 80.2%) used various legal approaches to attempt to discourage their stalkers. (See Table 25.) Seventy-two percent of the victims sought police assistance in discouraging their stalkers, and 28% of the stalkers were arrested at some point during the stalking period. Just over half (51%) of the women filed for Protection from Abuse Orders (PFAs). Fewer than one-quarter of the stalkers faced criminal charges. As was the case with the extralegal attempts to discourage the stalker, victims e reported that the legal attempts to discourage the stalker were largely ineffective. (See Table 26.) Seventy-seven percent of the victims stated that police involvement either had no effect or made the stalkers’ behavior worse. Similarly, victims reported very little effectiveness of arrest, criminal charges, or protection orders. These findings coincide with earlier research findings on the effectiveness of arrests and restraining orders in deterring domestic violence (see e.g. Hirschel & Hutchinson, 1996; Klein, 1996; Schmidt & Sherman, 1996). However, the results of this study conflict with the results of a study conducted by the National Center for State Courts. In that study (see U.S. Department of Justice, 1997: 37-44), 285 women who were petitioning for protection orders in three different jurisdictions were interviewed and asked #about he effectiveness 48 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. of the civil protection orders. The majority of women in that sample perceived protection orders to be effective deterrents to hrther abuse. Only four of the victims whose stalkers went to trial commented on its effectiveness. Although two of the four stated that this legal approach had a positive effect on the stalkers' behavior, these numbers are too small upon which to base any generalizations. Table 25: Legal Action Taken to Discourage Stalker Effects No change Worse behavior Better behavior Other ( e g varied) Total I Legal Action Legal Attempts to Discoiirage Police Criminal Tem1Porary Involvement Arrest Charges Trial Restr.0rder PFA Total 65 (61.9%) 16 (44.4) 14 (40.0) 2 (50.0) 8 (4'2.1) 37 (45.7) 142(50.7) 16 (15.2) 5 (13.9) 9 (25.7) 0 ( 0.0) 4 (21.1) 13 (16.0) 47(16.8) 8 ( 7.6) 9 (25.0) 7 (20.0) 2 (50.0) 5 (26.3) 15 (18.5) 46(16.4) 16 (15.2) 6 (16.7) 5 (14.3) 0 ( 0.0) 2 (180.5) 16 (19.8) 45(16.1) 105 (99.9) 36 (100) 35 (100) 4 (100) 19 (1100) 81 (100) 280(100) Called police/Went to police Stalker was arrested Criminal charges filed Stalker brought to trial (no plea bargain) Stalker was convicted or plea bargained Victim filed for Temporary Restraining Victim filed for Protection From Abuse Before going to trial Order (TRO) Order (PFA) Number and Percentage of Women Reporting Legal Action 105 (71.7%) 105 (27.8) 105 (24.1) 105 ( 5.9) 105 (24.1) 105 (12.3) 96 (51.3) Table 26: Perceived Effectiveness of Legal Attempts to Discourage Stalker 49 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Orders of Protection As indicated in Table 26 above, over half of the victims in the sample filed for protection orders. According to the victims, in 62% of the cases, the order of protection either had no effect or worsened the stalker’s behavior Some women expressed frustration because they were told that they would not be able to obtain orders of protection. One woman who had been stalked for 35 months by someone she had dated twice, was frustrated by his constant phone calls, letters, and showing up at her office when she was there alone in the evenings. When asked whether she had ever tried to obtain a protection order, her response was: Towards the end, I remember talking to a detective about that. And I couldn’t ... there was some reason that I couldn’t. I think it was because I never had an intimate relationship with him. Another woman stated: I was having a lot of trouble getting a protection order because you never saw him do these things [stealing the car, stealing the beeper, harassing me, etc.]. I lived in an apartment, and he’d be hanging outside my apartment, and the police would say, “Well, we can’t make him leave because this is not your private property.” He’d sit there right on the hood of my car right in fiont of them. And then the copls would leave and then he would slash my tires or whatever it was. I had a hard time getting any protection. 0 Other women who had not formerly lived with or been married to their stalkers expressed similar experiences. One woman who had a protection from abuse order described her hstrations with the court when she went to a hearing for a PFA violation. They threw one away because they say that I was the one who broke it for taking him back. But I guess they didn’t understand, it wasn’t my choice to take him back. He kept on harassing me and threatened me. If1 didn’t take him back, he was gonna do this, that, and the other thing. 50 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. This woman’s stalker had a prior record that included aggravated assault and statutory rape. He tracked the victim down at a battered women’s shelter and constantly showed up there to harass her. He also made threats to kill the victim anti himself. e - RESEARCH FINDINGS ASSISTANCE, VICTIMS’ NEEDS, AND COMMUNITY RESPONSIVENESS Sources from Whom Victims Sought Assistance But there was just no one there through most of it. And women feel very isolated and they get to feel ashamed somehow. We’ve been taught that it’s our fault. And you just tend to be really ashamed to tell anybody. It’s just like this vicious cycle. Nearly all victims sought assistance during the stalking (95.7%) through family, fiends, victim service agencies, therapists, and the like. Most (82.4%) requested assistance shortly after realizing that they were being stalked. Those who didn’t ask for help right away (17.6%) gave various reasons for the delay including the belief thet the stalking would cease, embarrassment, fear, lack of information, arid lack of support. a Typical people from whom victims sought assistance were fiiends (67.9%) and family (54%). Less frequently, victims identified victim service agencies (37.4%) and therapists (27.8%) as sources from whom they sought help. (See Table 27.) Based on these findings, it is apparent that the stalking victims in this sample overwhelmingly sought aid through informal support networks (e.g. friends and family) as opposed to more formal “helping” organizations (e.g. shelters, victim support ,groups). 51 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. e - Table 27: Sources From Whom Victims Sought Help Sources from whom help was sought Friends Family Victim Service Agency Ps ychologist/Therapist Spouse/Boyfhend Legal Aid BossKO-workers Victim Support Group Neighbors Shelter Frequency and percentage of women seeking help from this source 127 67.9% 101 54.0 70 37.4 52 27.8 30 16.0 26 13.9 16 8.6 16 8.6 11 5.9 11 5.9 Needs and Fulfillment of Needs Victims were asked to rate, on a five-point scale, how well their needs were met by the four most common sources of assistance (i.e. fiends, farnily, victim counselors, and private therapists). The mean ratings are presented in Table 28 below. A score of a “1” indicates that none of the victim’s needs were met by that person while a score of “5” represents that all of the victim’s needs were met. The mean sciore for “friends” was a 3.97, with scores for “victim counselors” (3.94) and “private therapists” (3.89) falling closely in line. The mean score for “family” was a 3.55. All of these scores exceed the mean score for the police (2.90) as presented below in Table 31, indicating that the victims’ needs were better fblfilled by fiiends, family, therapists, ,and counselors than by the police. This may be due, at least in part, by the types of needs that the victims expressed. One woman expressed her frustration with the inability of a battered women’s shelter to respond to her needs. It was hard at first because, when I wanted to leave here and go to a shelter or somewhere, I couldn’t because they didn’t have enough beds for five kids. I was like, “Oh, man! What am I supposed to do?” I didn’t 52 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. ... Source of Assistance Family WcUlL L U WIIIC UQbh llClC LIIUlllCJ. ll Wilb 1ItllU LlCLilLlbC, 1 &.lt;SS, d IO1 01 people aren’t prepared for a single parent with five kids in trouble. Victims were asked to identify their greatest need, and lheir responses were then categorized into one of several categories. (See Table 29 below.) More women (38%) identified needs pertaining to psychological and emotional support than any other area. Twenty-three percent stated that “a sense of security” was their greatest need. Another 10% stated that they needed “criminal justice system support.” Table 28: Victims’ Ratings of How Well Their Needs Were Met by Various Groups N X Stand. Dev. 154 3.55 1.40 Private Therapist Victim Counselor Friends 44 84 157 3.89 3.94 3.97 1.32 1.3 1 1.19 Table 29: Victims’ Greatest Needs Greatest Need Identified PsychologicaYemotional support Sense of security Criminal justice system support Financial support Other Number of Respondents 66 40 18 15 36 175 *Total sum exceeds 100% due to rounding. Percentage of Respondents 3 7.7% 22.9 10.3 8.6 20.6 100.1* Victims were also asked whether their needs were met, and if so, by whom? Forty-nine percent of the victims said that their needs were met. Of those women (n=92), most stated that their needs were met by their friends, their families, or themselves. (See 53 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.